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As we sat down to begin our annual conference interview shortly after the prime minister had delivered his speech to party members, I asked Sir Keir Starmer how he was feeling? “Good,” he said, “it was a speech I needed to give”.

He was right to feel buoyed. After 15 months of being battered about in government, with ever-worsening polls, open challenges to his leadership and endless private grumbling from within his own government, the PM answered his critics in a speech that showed both his emotion and intent as he pitted his vision of Britain against that of Nigel Farage.

It was a dividing line that united his party behind him as he set up the battle at the next election between Labour and Reform, between, in his words, “decency or division, renewal or decline”.

He also marched directly into societal wars with a rallying cry that was met with rapturous applause in the hall as he savaged racists who graffitied a Chinese takeaway and criticised people seeking to sow “fear and discord across our country”.

This was a PM that found his voice and identified his enemy in Farage as he sharpened his attacks and asked the public to pick a side.

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PM on Reform: ‘I think the policy is racist’

In our interview, he continued the argument, describing Farage’s plan to deport people who currently have indefinite leave to remain in the UK as “racist”.

“I think that’s a very dangerous place for us to go as a country, and it goes against everything that I believe in,” he told me.

But Starmer was keen to play the ball, not the man, as he told me he didn’t think Farage was a racist and stressed that he didn’t think Reform voters were racist either.

“They’re concerned about things like our borders,” he said.

“They’re frustrated about the pace of change. So I’m not for a moment suggesting that they are racist.”

His careful delineation reflects some nervousness at the top of his party that his attacks on Farage’s racist immigration policy is risky if those millions of Britons thinking of voting for Reform feel they are being judged as racist themselves.

Read more:
Starmer ‘responsible’ if anything happens to Farage, Reform say
PM’s speech a successful moment – but it ignored a big issue

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Farage hits back at Starmer

One cabinet minister, acknowledging the risk, said they thought it was “net positive” because it gives the party a purpose and an argument to take the fight to Reform, not around competence – Labour have hardly proved themselves on that front yet – but around values.

But this is where the prime minister also got a bit stuck in our sit-down.

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Happily calling out Farage’s plan to deport people with indefinite leave to remain if they hit stringent income and language requirements, as a racist policy, he wouldn’t tackle Donald Trump over his overtly racist attack on Sir Sadiq Khan when he suggested the London mayor, who is a Muslim, was driving London to Sharia law.

He called it nonsense, but when pressed about whether it was racist – which Khan has explicitly said it is – the prime minister told me he was “not going to start down the road of discussing whether things said by others are racist or not” – having moments earlier overtly criticised Farage for having a “racist policy”.

When I pointed this out to him, he didn’t really have anywhere left to go in what was an awkward exchange.

That he wouldn’t call out Trump speaks to the bigger challenge he faces than taking on Farage – delivering the “renewal” he says Britain so badly needs.

Sadiq Khan said Trump's claim he is trying to impose Sharia law on London is racist
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Sadiq Khan said Trump’s claim he is trying to impose Sharia law on London is racist

What Starmer did powerfully in one of the strongest speeches I’ve ever seen him deliver was offer clear analysis of the journey that brought Britain to the place it is now, and the alternative directions the country could go next.

But what is far, far harder than the diagnosis is the treatment. He won’t call out Trump because he needs the US president to go easy on tariffs, to work with Europe on Ukraine, to support the recently announced tech partnership, which Number 10 said could deliver £150bn of investment into the UK economy in the coming decade.

He might feel unable to criticise Trump, but the PM is borrowing the battle lines from the US, mirroring here what Joe Biden tried to do in the US ahead of the 2022 mid-term elections.

The then US president delivered a speech called the “battle for the soul of the nation” as he cast Trump and his allies as a threat to the country and to democracy, and the Democrats as the defenders of America’s core values.

Of course, it turned out that President Biden wasn’t the man to take on Trump, and paved the way to his victory by leaving it too late for another leader to take up the fight. Starmer’s team feels more confident after this week that the PM has seen off similar fears around him – for the time being at least.

But the fundamentals are still so difficult, with a challenging budget ahead and then a crucial set of elections in England, Scotland and Wales next May which could prove – to quote one Starmer detractor – “a massive moment of change”.

For now, a PM and a party pointing towards a common enemy, but Starmer’s battle is only just beginning. And, as for the journey, it’s a very, very long road ahead.

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Finances feeling tight? New figures on disposable income help explain why

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'A disaster for living standards': We now have just £1 more of disposable income than in 2019

Monthly disposable income fell by £40 per person between Boris Johnson’s election victory in December 2019 and Rishi Sunak’s defeat in July 2024.

It is the first time in recorded British history that disposable income has been lower at the end of a parliamentary term than it was at the start, Sky News Data x Forensics analysis reveals.

Disposable income is the money people have left over after paying taxes and receiving benefits (including pensions). Essential expenses like rent or mortgage payments, council tax, food and energy bills all need to be paid from disposable income.

Previously published figures showed a slight improvement between December 2019 and June 2024, but those were updated by the Office for National Statistics on Tuesday.

There has been an uplift in the last year, although we’re poorer now than we were at the start of the year, and today we only have £1 more on average to spend or save each month than we did at the end of 2019.

That represents “an unmitigated disaster for living standards”, according to Lalitha Try, economist at independent living standards thinktank the Resolution Foundation.

Have things gotten better under Labour?

Disposable income has increased by £41 per person per month since Labour took office in July 2024. However, that masks a significant deterioration in recent months: it is lower now than it was at the start of 2025.

In the first six months of Labour’s tenure, disposable income rose by £55, a larger increase than under any other government in the same period. In part, this was down to the pay rises for public sector workers that had been agreed under the previous Conservative administration.

But the rise also represents a continuation of the trajectory from the final six months of the outgoing government. Between December 2023 and June 2024, monthly disposable income rose by £46.

That trajectory reversed in the first part of this year, and the average person now has £14 less to spend or save each month than they did at the start of 2025.

Jeremy Hunt, Conservative chancellor from October 2022 until the July 2024 election defeat, told Sky News: “The big picture is that it was the pandemic rather than actions of a government that caused it [the fall in disposable income].

“I clawed some back through (I know I would say this) hard work, and Labour tried to buy an instant boost through massive pay rises. The curious thing is why they have not fed through to the numbers.”

The £40 drop between Mr Johnson’s electoral victory in 2019 and Mr Sunak’s loss in 2024 is roughly the same as the average person spends on food and drink per week.

By comparison, since 1955, when the data dates back to, living standards have improved by an average of £115 per month between parliamentary terms.

Vital services, things like energy, food and housing, that all need to be paid for out of disposable income, have all increased in price at a faster rate than overall inflation since 2019 as well.

This means that the impact on savings and discretionary spending is likely to be more severe for most people, and especially so for lower earners who spend a larger proportion of their money on essentials.

Responding to our analysis, the Resolution Foundation’s Lalitha Try said: “Average household incomes fell marginally during the last parliament – an unmitigated disaster for living standards, as families were hit first by the pandemic and then the highest inflation in a generation.

“We desperately need a catch-up boost to household incomes in the second half of the 2020s, and to achieve that we’ll need a return to wider economic growth.”

Analysis by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, which also takes into account housing costs, says that disposable income is projected to be £45 a month lower by September 2029 than it was when Labour took office.

We approached both Labour and the Conservative Party for comment but both failed to respond.

Read more:
Is PM making progress towards his key policies?

How are Labour performing in other areas?

Labour have made “improving living standards in all parts of the UK” one of their main “missions” to achieve during this parliament.

Sam Ray-Chaudhuri, research economist at the Institute for Fiscal Studies, told Sky News: “Labour’s mission to see an increase in living standards over the parliament remains a very unambitious one, given that (now) almost every parliament has seen a growth in disposable income.

“Doing so will represent an improvement compared with the last parliament, but it doesn’t change the fact that we are in a period of real lack of growth over the last few years.”

As well as the living standards pledge, the Sky News Data x Forensics team has been tracking some of the other key promises made by Sir Keir and his party, before and after they got into power, including both economic targets and policy goals.

Use our tracker to see how things like tax, inflation and economic growth has changed since Labour were elected.

The policy areas we have been tracking include immigration, healthcare, house-building, energy and crime. You can see Labour’s performance on each of those here.

Click here to read more information about why we picked these targets and how we’re measuring them.


The Data and Forensics team is a multi-skilled unit dedicated to providing transparent journalism from Sky News. We gather, analyse and visualise data to tell data-driven stories. We combine traditional reporting skills with advanced analysis of satellite images, social media and other open source information. Through multimedia storytelling we aim to better explain the world while also showing how our journalism is done.

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Living standards are stalling – and the signals are flashing red for the prime minister

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Living standards are stalling - and the signals are flashing red for the prime minister

Labour swept into government with a promise of economic growth.

That promise contained another, more important, promise: this growth would unlock prosperity for ordinary people.

The government made it a mission to raise living standards in every part of the country.

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How did the PM perform at conference?

Politicians know all too well that most people want to feel like they’re getting on in life. They want to get on the housing ladder. They want to be able to start a family, have a comfortable retirement or pass something on to their loved ones.

When this doesn’t happen, politicians often take the blame.

So, the promise to raise living standards is an important one in politics but it is not an ambitious one. Outside of the last parliament, which was plagued by COVID and an inflationary crisis, every post-war government has managed it. Will Sir Keir Starmer?

New analysis by the Sky News Data x Forensics team is sobering. Disposable incomes – that’s average income after tax – are barely higher than they were in 2019.

More from Money

We are only £1 a month better off now than we were before the pandemic.

Pic: iStock
Image:
Pic: iStock

Labour got off to a good start. The Tories, in their final year, oversaw a £126 increase in disposable incomes (adjusted for inflation), determined as they were to get a grip on inflation.

The new government built on that by boosting earnings for public sector workers – including rail workers and doctors – who received chunky pay rises. However, the country is now going backwards. In the first six months of the year, disposable incomes have fallen by £43.

So, after a year in government, the signals are flashing red for the prime minister.

Not only are incomes stalling, but it comes after a long period of growing wealth inequality. The share of assets, such as property, owned by the richest in society is growing. No wonder people feel they can’t catch up.

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The supercommuters taking 24-hour journeys to the office
US government shuts down after last-ditch funding votes fail

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Inflation up: the bad and ‘good’ news

The problems are clear, but the solutions are more difficult.

The government also came into office with a promise to fix public services, without going on a borrowing spree. That means taxes have to play a part.

Labour promised it wouldn’t raise taxes on working people (income tax, national insurance or VAT) but it hasn’t cut them either.

Taxes are still at a generational high. This is eating into our pay packets and, in turn, living standards. This is before rents, utility bills and food take their share.

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Darren Jones fails to rule out income tax or VAT hikes

Meanwhile, Labour’s decision to raise money through business taxes is putting further pressure on inflation, as prices in the shops go up.

That means our money isn’t going as far as it could be. The prospect of further tax rises in the budget won’t help matters. But what alternatives does the government have?

More borrowing is risky. Cuts to public services are unpalatable. Economic growth – which could unlock pay rises – has been promised but may take time to bear fruit.

Better productivity is an eternal puzzle. The government could always tax differently, by targeting the wealthy, but the government seems to be worried that money could leave the country.

It’s a difficult bind and, if the government fails to turn things around, incomes risk slipping this parliament. That would be a disaster for Sir Keir Starmer.

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Business and green groups alarmed by Tory plan to scrap climate pollution rules

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Business and green groups alarmed by Tory plan to scrap climate pollution rules

The Conservatives have pledged to scrap Britain’s landmark climate change law that limits pollution, and replace it with a plan for “cheap and reliable” energy.

Party leader Kemi Badenoch said scrapping the Climate Change Act – brought in by Labour in 2008 and later strengthened by Tory PM Theresa May – would benefit cheap energy, economic growth and Britain’s declining industrial sector.

“Climate change is real. But Labour’s laws tied us in red tape, loaded us with costs, and did nothing to cut global emissions,” said Ms Badenoch.

“Under my leadership, we will scrap those failed targets. Our priority now is growth, cheaper energy, and protecting the natural landscapes we all love.”

The party did not provide any figures to quantify the financial impact of such a change, although certain parts of the proposals have been gathering support beyond Conservative circles.

While the plans drew support from within the Tory ranks, and are backed by Reform UK, they were condemned by conservation charities, scientists and business and energy groups.

The CBI, which represents more than 150,000 businesses, warned it would “damage our economy”.

More on Climate Change

The Drax power plant is subsidised to burn wood instead of coal, a practice controversial with the Tories and environmentalists alike. Pic: Reuters
Image:
The Drax power plant is subsidised to burn wood instead of coal, a practice controversial with the Tories and environmentalists alike. Pic: Reuters


What is the Climate Change Act and why do the Conservatives want to scrap it?

The Climate Change Act requires the UK to reach net zero emissions by 2050 and to produce five-yearly budgets to keep the country on track.

Net zero means cutting emissions as much as possible and offsetting the rest.

United Nations scientists warn reaching it by 2050 is necessary to avoid climate damages like droughts and floods and ecosystem collapse that would be very difficult to cope with.

But political support has been wavering: Ms Badenoch says achieving it is impossible and Reform leader Nigel Farage claims scrapping net zero targets would save £30bn a year.

The Conservatives said the Act had forced governments to bring in “burdensome rules and regulations that have increased energy bills for families and businesses, eaten away at Britain’s manufacturing sector, and contributed to a worsening in economic growth”.

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Businesses urged to ‘step forward’ on climate

They pointed to the controversial Drax energy plant, which is publicly subsidised to burn wood instead of coal to generate electricity, support for which is already wavering.

The party also cited costly legal challenges to developments and lengthy planning processes, something Labour also admits is a problem.

Claire Coutinho MP, shadow energy secretary, said the act is “forcing ministers to adopt policies which are making energy more expensive”.

“That is deindustrialising Britain, causing hardship for families, and perversely it makes it harder for people to adopt electric products that can reduce emissions.”

But it is not clear how their plans to maximise oil and gas projects in the North Sea would lower bills or boost jobs, as the fuels are sold on international markets, and reserves are dwindling.

Nor did it detail whether scrapping pollution rules for industry would boost it enough to compensate for other losses to the economy if clean investors pulled out.

How have others reacted?

Energy UK’s chief executive Dhara Vyas said the Act is the “legal bedrock that underpins billions of pounds of international investment in the UK”, including places like Humber and Teesside.

She said treating it as a “political football is a surefire way to scare off investors.”

Simon Francis from the End Fuel Poverty Coalition of NGOs said there is “no way to lower bills or energy security by prolonging our dependence on gas”, while Friends of the Earth chief executive Asad Rehman said the Party “[turning] its back on the science” was “political suicide”.

The Conservative Party said its environmental focus instead will be on enhancing and preserving the natural world.

Professor Myles Allen from Oxford University said the act may need updating, like the NHS does. “But you wouldn’t announce you were going to scrap the NHS without explaining what you were going to replace it.”

Ms Badenoch further announced today that her shadow cabinet will on Friday agree a policy of leaving the European Convention on Human Rights, which she also says is holding Britain back.

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