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This is going to be a big budget – not to mention a complex budget.

It could, depending on how it lands, determine the fate of this government. And it’s hard to think of many other budgets that have been preceded by quite so much speculation, briefing, and rumour.

All of which is to say, you could be forgiven for feeling rather overwhelmed.

But in practice, what’s happening this week can really be boiled down to three things.

1. Not enough growth

The first is that the economy is not growing as fast as many people had hoped. Or, to put it another way, Britain’s productivity growth is much weaker than it once used to be.

The upshot of that is that there’s less money flowing into the exchequer in the form of tax revenues.

2. Not enough cuts

The second factor is that last year and this, the chancellor promised to make certain cuts to welfare – cuts that would have saved the government billions of pounds of spending a year.

But it has failed to implement those cuts. Put those extra billions together with the shortfall from that weaker productivity, and it’s pretty clear there is a looming hole in the public finances.

3. Not enough levers

The third thing to bear in mind is that Rachel Reeves has pledged to tie her hands in the way she responds to this fiscal hole.

She has fiscal rules that mean she can’t ignore it. She has a manifesto pledge which means she is somewhat limited in the levers she can pull to fill it.

Put it all together, and it adds up to a momentous headache for the chancellor. She needs to raise quite a lot of money and all the “easy” ways of doing it (like raising income tax rates or VAT) seem to be off the table.

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The Budget Explained – in 60 seconds

So… what will she do?

Quite how she responds remains to be seen – as does the precise size of the fiscal hole. But if the rumours in Westminster are to be believed, she will fall back upon two tricks most of her predecessors have tried at various points.

First, she will deploy “fiscal drag” to squeeze extra income tax and national insurance payments out of families for the coming five years.

What this means in practice is that even though the headline rate of income tax might not go up, the amount of income we end up being taxed on will grow ever higher in the coming years.

Second, the chancellor is expected to squeeze government spending in the distant years for which she doesn’t yet need to provide detailed plans.

Together, these measures may raise somewhere in the region of £10bn. But Reeves’s big problem is that in practice she needs to raise two or three times this amount. So, how will she do that?

Most likely is that she implements a grab-bag of other tax measures: more expensive council tax for high value properties; new CGT rules; new gambling taxes and more.

No return to austerity, but an Osborne-like predicament…

If this summons up a particular memory from history, it’s precisely the same problem George Osborne faced back in 2012. He wanted to raise quite a lot of money but due to agreements with his coalition partners, he was limited in how many big taxes he could raise.

The resulting budget was, at the time at least, the single most complex budget in history. Consider: in the years between 1970 and 2010 the average UK budget contained 14 tax measures. Osborne’s 2012 budget contained a whopping 61 of them.

And not long after he delivered it, the budget started to unravel. You probably recall the pasty tax, and maybe the granny tax and the charity tax. Essentially, he was forced into a series of embarrassing U-turns. If there was a lesson, it was that trying to wodge so many money-raising measures into a single fiscal event was an accident waiting to happen.

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Can the budget fix economic woes?

Except that… here’s the interesting thing. In the following years, the complexity of budgets didn’t fall – it rose. Osborne broke his own complexity record the next year with the 2013 budget (73 tax measures), and then again in 2016 (86 measures). By 2020 the budget contained a staggering 103 measures. And Reeves’s own first budget, last autumn, very nearly broke this record with 94 measures.

In short, budgets have become more and more complex, chock-full of even more (often microscopic) tax measures.

Read more from Sky News:
What tax measures are expected in budget?
The political jeopardy facing Rachel Reeves in budget

In part, this is a consequence of the fact that, long ago, chancellors seem to have agreed that it would be political suicide to raise the basic rate of income tax or VAT. The consequence is that they have been forced to resort to ever smaller and fiddlier measures to make their numbers add up.

The question is whether this pattern continues this week. Do we end up with yet another astoundingly complex budget? Will that slew of measures backfire as they did for Osborne in 2012? And, more to the point, will they actually benefit the UK economy?

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Budget 2025: Reeves urged to ‘make the case’ for income tax freeze – as PM hits out at defenders of ‘failed’ policy

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Budget 2025: Reeves urged to 'make the case' for income tax freeze - as PM hits out at defenders of 'failed' policy

Rachel Reeves needs to “make the case” to voters that extending the freeze on personal income thresholds was the “fairest” way to increase taxes, Baroness Harriet Harman has said.

Speaking to Sky News political editor Beth Rigby on the Electoral Dysfunction podcast, the Labour peer said the chancellor needed to explain that her decision would “protect people’s cost of living if they’re on low incomes”.

In her budget on Wednesday, Ms Reeves extended the freeze on income tax thresholds – introduced by the Conservatives in 2021 and due to expire in 2028 – by three years.

The move – described by critics as a “stealth tax” – is estimated to raise £8bn for the exchequer in 2029-2030 by dragging some 1.7 million people into a higher tax band as their pay goes up.

Rachel Reeves, pictured the day after delivering the budget. Pic: PA
Image:
Rachel Reeves, pictured the day after delivering the budget. Pic: PA

The chancellor previously said she would not freeze thresholds as it would “hurt working people” – prompting accusations she has broken the trust of voters.

During the general election campaign, Labour promised not to increase VAT, national insurance or income tax rates.

Sir Keir Starmer has insisted there’s been no manifesto breach, but acknowledged people were being asked to “contribute” to protect public services.

He has also launched a staunch defence of the government’s decision to scrap the two-child benefit cap, with its estimated cost of around £3bn by the end of this parliament.

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Prime minister defends budget

‘A moral failure’

The prime minister condemned the Conservative policy as a “failed social experiment” and said those who defend it stand for “a moral failure and an economic disaster”.

“The record highs of child poverty in this country aren’t just numbers on a spreadsheet – they mean millions of children are going to bed hungry, falling behind at school, and growing up believing that a better future is out of reach despite their parents doing everything right,” he said.

The two-child limit restricts child tax credit and universal credit to the first two children in most households.

The government believes lifting the limit will pull 450,000 children out of poverty, which it argues will ultimately help reduce costs by preventing knock-on issues like dependency on welfare – and help people find jobs.

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Budget winners and losers

Speaking to Rigby, Baroness Harman said Ms Reeves now needed to convince “the woman on the doorstep” of why she’s raised taxes in the way that she has.

“I think Rachel really answered it very, very clearly when she said, ‘well, actually, we haven’t broken the manifesto because the manifesto was about rates’.

“And you remember there was a big kerfuffle before the budget about whether they would increase the rate of income tax or the rate of national insurance, and they backed off that because that would have been a breach of the manifesto.

“But she has had to increase the tax take, and she’s done it by increasing by freezing the thresholds, which she says she didn’t want to do. But she’s tried to do it with the fairest possible way, with counterbalancing support for people on low incomes.”

Read more:
Labour’s credibility might not be recoverable
Budget 2025 is a big risk for Labour’s election plans

She added: “And that is the argument that’s now got to be had with the public. The Labour members of parliament are happy about it. The markets essentially are happy about it. But she needs to make the case, and everybody in the government is going to need to make the case about it.

“This was a difficult thing to do, but it’s been done in the fairest possible way, and it’s for the good, because it will protect people’s cost of living if they’re on low incomes.”

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The future of the OBR with Ed Conway

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The future of the OBR with Ed Conway

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The Office for Budget Responsibility has attracted huge criticism and anger from Chancellor Rachel Reeves, after mistakenly revealing the details of her budget hours before she delivered it.

But the watchdog already had its critics.

Liz Truss says she never realised how powerful the OBR was and that it should be abolished. And Sir Keir Starmer has criticised the OBR’s assessment of his government’s fiscal plans.

So how will the budget leak affect the OBR’s future? Niall Paterson talks to Ed Conway, Sky’s economics and data editor about exactly what the OBR is, whether it has too much power and if it will survive.

Producer: Emma Rae Woodhouse

Editor: Wendy Parker

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Budget 2025: Reeves accused of deliberately making UK finances look worse

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Budget 2025: Reeves accused of deliberately making UK finances look worse

Rachel Reeves has been accused of making the country’s economic situation appear in a worse state than it really was ahead of the budget.

A letter from the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), published on Friday, revealed it told the chancellor as early as 17 September that prevailing economic winds meant the £20 billion gap in meeting her self-imposed fiscal rule of not borrowing for day-to-day spending would actually be much smaller.

Later, in October, it informed her that the spending gap had closed altogether and the government would be running a surplus.

Wednesday’s budget, which increased taxes by more than £26bn, followed weeks of dire warnings from Ms Reeves that she would have to make “hard choices” to meet her tax and spending commitments.

This included an early morning news conference on 4 November, after the OBR told her the spending gap had closed, when she suggested she was likely to have to break a manifesto promise and raise income tax rates to secure the UK’s economic future.

Ms Reeves did not end up increasing income tax rates in the budget. But the chancellor did extend the freeze on income tax thresholds, in a move that her critics have described as a stealth tax.

The OBR sent this table revealing its timings and outcomes of the fiscal forecasts reported to the Treasury
Image:
The OBR sent this table revealing its timings and outcomes of the fiscal forecasts reported to the Treasury

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch said the letter showed Ms Reeves had “lied to the public” and should be sacked.

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But Downing Street denied she had misled the public and the markets in the run-up to the budget.

“I don’t accept that,” the prime minister’s spokesman said.

“As she set out in the speech that she gave here (Downing Street), she talked about the challenges the country was facing and she set out her decisions incredibly clearly at the budget.”

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The main budget announcements
Chancellor has backloaded the worst of the budget – and it’s a gamble

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‘A total humiliation’: Badenoch targets Reeves

The idea of a hike in income tax rates was dropped on 13 November after several weeks of being trailed, as the Treasury cited better than expected forecasts.

But the OBR suggested it had provided ministers with no new forecasting in November.

“No changes were made to our pre-measures forecast after October 31,” the fiscal watchdog’s letter to the Treasury Select Committee said.

Read more:
4 November: Reeves refuses to rule out manifesto-breaking tax hikes
11 November: Reeves signals she will break tax pledges

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4 Nov: Reeves says she will likely have to raise income tax

Ben Zaranko, an economist for the Institute for Fiscal Studies, queried the rationale behind the negative briefings ahead of the budget.

“At no point in the process did the OBR have the government missing its fiscal rules by a large margin. Leaves me baffled by the months of speculation and briefing,” he wrote on X.

“Was the plan to lead everyone to expect a big income tax rise, then surprise them on the day by not doing it?”

Ms Badenoch said: “Yet more evidence, as if we needed it, that the chancellor must be sacked. For months Reeves has lied to the public to justify record tax hikes to pay for more welfare.

“Her budget wasn’t about stability. It was about politics: bribing Labour MPs to save her own skin. Shameful.”

Pic: PA
Image:
Pic: PA

Ms Reeves’ Tory counterpart, shadow chancellor Sir Mel Stride said the downbeat briefings were “all a smokescreen”.

“Labour knew all along that they did not need to raise taxes and break their promises,” he said.

“It was an active choice to do so, to fund a huge increase in welfare spending. The OBR have now made that very clear.

“It appears the country has been deliberately misled.”

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