Behind us, a couple of miles back, to the east, is the border fence with Israel.
The land between us and the fence resembles a wasteland. What were once fields is now a vast area of earth, churned up by the Israeli military vehicles, which are shuttling back and forth.
Ahead of us, looking west, it’s a different sort of wasteland. Not a single building is untouched. Some are barely standing. In the distance, there is the occasional boom.
We’re with the Israeli military on an embedded facility. The purpose, from the Israeli perspective, is to show us what the humanitarian corridors they have been under so much pressure to implement actually look like.
For us, despite the restrictions they have imposed (we cannot film certain soldiers’ faces, screens in vehicles, identifiable landscape or certain equipment), it’s a chance to see first-hand what’s happening inside this tiny part of Gaza they are willing to show us.
There is no other way to enter Gaza at the moment. It’s with the Israeli military or not at all.
The reporting is subject to Israeli military restrictions.
Our ride in was in a battered and dusty Humvee. We passed through the same part of the border fence through which Hamas fighters came, the other way, on7 October.
We were about to see what Israel’s five-week long response to that massacre looks like up close.
It’s about a 15-minute drive from the border fence to the edge of Gaza City.
To the north, we could see the black smoke rising from the latest airstrikes.
Just ahead I caught a glimpse of the Mediterranean Sea beyond the rubble of the southern outskirts of Gaza City.
At first, I didn’t notice the hundreds of Palestinians. They were obscured behind a berm of earth. My eye was drawn to the battered buildings beyond.
But then they came into view. Honestly, it resembled a scene from another time.
It’s being presented as good news: people being guided out of a warzone, through a temporary pause in fighting, to safety in the south of Gaza.
“We’re protecting it day and night, in the rain and the sun, and making sure that all these civilians that aren’t involved in terror, could leave the area, and let us get our job done,” a major, who we could only identify as Shraga, told me.
“Our job, our main objective, is to totally eliminate Hamas. We won’t want to hurt any of these civilians. And that’s why we’re letting them go out.”
‘An echo of their history’
Seeing these people move south, out of the warzone a few miles to the north, is clearly good for their safety.
But to view it simply in those terms is to miss the point.
From the perspective of the Palestinians, this is an echo of their history. They see it as forced displacement from homes which have been destroyed and to which they never think they will return.
Many Gazans are from families already displaced two generations earlier.
I asked the major if he could see this from the Palestinian perspective; the impact on their psyche – they feel like they’re being moved out of their homes, and that they will never be able to go back?
“After what I saw on October 7, I failed to understand the Palestinian psyche,” the major said.
“So I don’t know how they’re looking at it, or what they understand.
“I don’t know if you visited our kibbutzim that were raided, and how Hamas brought hell into our homes. So the responsibility on that is on them.
“We are here not to fight not because we love fighting, not because we’re bloodthirsty, and not because we hate any Palestinians. We are here fighting, because we want to live peaceful, productive lives on the other side of the border.”
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1:07
Israeli military operation at Gaza hospital
I asked: “And to those who say that in eliminating evil, you are reaping misery on two million people. What do you say?”
Major Shraga replied: “They’re welcome to take that question straight back to Hamas. You can see here with your own eyes, how much effort we’re putting in to let innocent civilians out.”
“And the civilian casualties?” I asked. “11,000 people dead, killed in four weeks.”
The major said: “Yeah, well, those are big numbers. But when we judge, then it’s not about the numbers. It’s about eliminating evil. And we saw what Hamas could do, what Hamas intends to do.”
It was deeply frustrating not to be able to talk to the people in front of us.
The Israeli military cited security concerns. Hamas snipers, they told us, were emerging from tunnels. And others could be among the civilians being moved south.
So we couldn’t get the reflections of the people here. It’s only when they reach the south that they are able to speak as many have about the pain of being forced from homes destroyed.
And even in the south, they are not safe.
I asked the officer permitted to speak about this: how was it right to destroy peoples’ homes then force them south to areas also being targeted?
The officer replied: “Honestly, I don’t know. I do know that war is not safe. I do know that we are doing everything we can to hit directly the terrorist, not civilians. Honestly, I haven’t been in the south so I cannot answer that question.”
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I asked the same officer about the accusations of war crimes. The question was cut short.
An Israeli spokesperson, accompanying us, took the question a little later.
“Israel is not guilty of any war crimes,” Major Doron Spielman told me.
“I’ve also heard from many international lawyers. This was an assault that was inflicted on Israel.
“Every nation, including Israel, including England, including the United States – all over the world – if there’s a massacre that’s committed on your border and an active threat, you have no choice but to destroy that enemy.”
He added: “That is not only international law, that is also the law of morality.”
What about the number of Gazans killed in a little over four weeks?
“I think that the fact remains that Hamas is operating within that civilian population…” Major Speilman said.
But, I asked, can that be an excuse for killing so many civilians in just a few weeks?
He replied: “I think that again, that every one of these civilians that has unfortunately died, is because Hamas is using them to cover up their operations. Hamas is actively, to this day while speaking to you, shooting rockets, even in this humanitarian corridor.”
So the deaths are inevitable, I asked, and worth it to eliminate Hamas?
“Death is a horrific outcome of war,” Major Speilman said.
Most of all, is the Middle East about to erupt into a regional conflict that threatens us all? That’s been the warning for almost a year, so is it about to happen?
Hezbollah is a designated terrorist organisation for the US, UK and other Western nations. It has killed hundreds of their citizens over the years.
There is no doubt President Joe Biden has felt what he called a “measure of justice” that Nasrallah has been killed.
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But there is also a fear of what comes next. From the president down we are hearing urgent calls for de-escalation and a diplomatic solution.And the US has rushed military assets to ward off Hezbollah’s patrons in Iran doing their worst. But will that be enough?
US-led diplomacy to contain the Middle East crisis has failed.
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A senior Middle Eastern diplomat told Sky News the assassination is a kick in the teeth for the US president.
“For all the bombs and billions he has given the Israelis,” he said, “the least they could have done for him in the last weeks of his presidency was a ceasefire in the region”.
With diplomacy stalled, what happens next depends on both Iran and Israel.
For its part, Iran may feel it has no alternative but to weigh in. It may fear the massive missile arsenal it supplied is so jeopardised it must intervene and save Hezbollah.
Iranians have long regarded Hezbollah as an insurance policy for the day Israel might attack Iran itself. If it sees its ally close to total collapse, might it then weigh in?
If it does, Israel’s allies led by America might feel compelled to come to its defence. The full scale war feared for almost a year could engulf the region.
But there are good reasons for Iran not to rush to action.
The Middle East seems a dangerous and unpredictable place but certain rules and assumptions apply, even in all its chaos.
For all their fanaticism, the ayatollahs of Tehran are pragmatic and seek the preservation of their grip on power above all. That has been a rule of the Middle Eastern jungle since they seized power 45 years ago.
Is it pragmatic or wise to up the ante and more directly support Hezbollah, when it is at its weakest? The Iranian regime is not that strong either, crippled economically by sanctions and mismanagement, and socially and politically by months of civil unrest, albeit now quashed.
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There are limits too to what Iran could achieve with direct military intervention anyway in a war that is 2,000km from its borders. The Iranians may conclude this round in the war against Israel is over. They think in long time spans, after all. Time to regroup and move on to fight another day?
There will no doubt be days more of sound and fury, like we have seldom seen before. The mourning and funerals of Nasrallah and his lieutenants are likely to be the focus of intense anger and will raise tensions. But what happens afterwards?
That also comes down to Israel.
It may now feel it has the wind in its sails and seize the moment to invade Lebanon on the ground to push Hezbollah back from the border. That would be an extremely dangerous moment too, potentially drawing in supportive militia and Iranian forces based in Syria.
The hills of southern Lebanon are a treacherous country for a military like Israel’s that relies on infantry and tanks. They could be drawn into a lengthy and punishing campaign that could then destabilise the region.
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Then there is Lebanon itself. An uneasy compromise between the warring factions of its civil war in the 1970s and 80s has held for decades but its always fragile status quo is now threatened. The chessboard of its multi-denominational politics has potentially been upended by the removal of its most powerful player.
If Lebanon descends back into factional fighting, regional stability will be undermined too.
The Middle East is in grave danger of further escalation. Western and regional diplomats are working round the clock to pull it back from the brink but recent efforts have all ended in failure and neither Israel nor Hezbollah seem to be listening.
The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) said it carried out a “precise strike” on Hezbollah’s “central headquarters”, which it claimed was “embedded under residential buildings in the heart of the Dahieh in Beirut”.
The first wave of attacks shook windows across the city and sent thick clouds of smoke billowing into the air.
While Israel stressed it had been a “precise” strike, preliminary figures from Lebanon’s health ministry confirmed at least six other people were killed and 91 were wounded.
Israel said Nasrallah was the intended target and initially there were claims he had survived.
However, after several hours of confusion, his death was confirmed by Israel.
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“Hassan Nasrallah will no longer be able to terrorise the world,” the IDF said.
Hours later, a defiant Hezbollah confirmed Nasrallah’s death but vowed their fight with Israel would continue after confirming they had fired upon sites in northern Israel.
“The leadership of Hezbollah pledges to the highest, holiest, and most precious martyr in our path full of sacrifices and martyrs to continue its jihad in confronting the enemy, supporting Gaza and Palestine, and defending Lebanon and its steadfast and honourable people,” they said.
Alongside claiming to have killed Nasrallah, the IDF said it had killed a number of other commanders, including Ali Karaki, the commander of the southern front.
The country’s military said the strike was carried out while Hezbollah leadership met at their underground headquarters in Dahieh.
In the aftermath of the most recent attacks, an Israeli military spokesperson declined to comment on whether US-made Mark 84 heavy bombs were used in the strike against Nasrallah.
“The strike was conducted while Hezbollah’s senior chain of command were operating from the headquarters and advancing terrorist activities against the citizens of the State of Israel,” Lieutenant Colonel Nadav Shoshani said in a media briefing.
He continued: “We hope this will change Hezbollah’s actions.”
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6:17
Hezbollah leader killed says IDF
He added the number of civilian casualties was unclear but blamed Hezbollah for positioning itself in residential areas.
“We’ve seen Hezbollah carry out attacks against us for a year. It’s safe to assume that they are going to continue carrying out their attacks against us or try to,” he said.
Meanwhile, Iran said it was in constant contact with Hezbollah and other allies to determine its “next step”, but Reuters reported the country’s supreme leader was transferred to a secure location in light of the latest attack.
Speaking after the attack, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei called on Muslims “to stand by the people of Lebanon and the proud Hezbollah” and said: “The fate of this region will be determined by the forces of resistance, with Hezbollah at the forefront,” state media reported.
Nasrallah’s death will be a blow to Hezbollah as it continues to reel from a campaign of escalating Israeli attacks.
Nasrallah is latest Hezbollah leader to fall
While Nasrallah’s death is certainly the most high-profile of recent attacks, it continues a trend of Israel targeting Hezbollah’s leadership structure.
Also on Saturday, in the early hours of the morning, the commander of the group’s missile unit and his deputy were killed in another Israeli attack in southern Lebanon.
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A Swiss teenage cyclist with “a bright future ahead of her” has died a day after suffering a serious head injury at the world championships.
Muriel Furrer crashed while competing on rain-slicked roads in the junior women’s road race in her home country.
The 18-year-old rider fell heavily on Thursday in a forest area south of the city of Zurich and was airlifted to hospital by helicopter, reportedly in a critical condition.
Race organisers announced on Friday she had died.
They said in a statement: “Muriel Furrer sadly passed away today at Zurich University Hospital.”
The UCI governing body for world cycling paid tribute to her in a statement on its website, entitled “The cycling world mourns the loss of Muriel Furrer”.
It read: “It is with great sadness that the Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI) and the Organising Committee of the 2024 UCI Road and Para-cycling Road World Championships today learned the tragic news of the death of young Swiss cyclist Muriel Furrer.
“With the passing of Muriel Furrer, the international cycling community loses a rider with a bright future ahead of her. We offer sincere condolences to Muriel Furrer’s family, friends and her Federation Swiss Cycling.”
Swiss Cycling said in a post on X: “Our hearts are broken, we have no words. It is with a heavy heart and infinite sadness that we have to say goodbye to Muriel Furrer today.
“We are losing a warm-hearted and wonderful young woman who always had a smile on her face. There is no understanding, only pain and sadness.”
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Furrer is the second Swiss cyclist to die in just over a year after crashing on home roads.
At the Tour de Suisse in June 2023, Gino Mader went off the road and down a ravine during a descent. The 26-year-old died from his injuries the next day.
“Obviously it is another tragic death,” Mr Senn said. “There are a lot of similarities, similar feelings. Today is about Muriel.”