Connect with us

Published

on

This year, about $1.5 billion has landed in state and local government coffers from court settlements made with more than a dozen companies that manufactured, sold, or distributed prescription painkillers and were sued for their role in fueling the opioid crisis.

This story also ran on NPR. It can be republished for free.

That money has gone from an emerging funding stream for which people had lofty but uncertain aspirations to a coveted pot of billions of dollars being invested in real time to address addiction.

Altogether, the companies are expected to pay more than $50 billion to state and local governments over nearly two decades.

Meanwhile, more than 100,000 Americans have died of drug overdoses annually in recent years, underscoring the urgent nature of the crisis.

KFF Health News has been tracking the funds all year and covering the windfalls mixed impact in communities across the country. Here are five things weve noticed in 2023 and plan to keep an eye on next year:

1. The total amount of settlement money state and local governments expect to receive is a moving target.

Before the start of the year, national settlements were in place with at least five companies, and several other deals were in the final stages, said Christine Minhee, founder of OpioidSettlementTracker.com.

Today, most states are participating in settlements with opioid manufacturers Johnson & Johnson, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, and Allergan; pharmaceutical distributors AmerisourceBergen, Cardinal Health, and McKesson; and retail pharmacies Walmart, Walgreens, and CVS. Many are also settling with the national supermarket chain Kroger. More from This InvestigationPayback: Tracking the Opioid Settlement Cash

Opioid manufacturers and distributors are paying more than $54 billion in restitution to settle lawsuits about their role in the overdose epidemic, with little oversight on how the money is spent. Were tracking how state and local governments use or misuse the cash.Read More

Several of these deals began paying out in the second half of this year, leading to bumps in states opioid settlement pots.

But there have been dents and slowdowns too.

Mallinckrodt Pharmaceuticals, a manufacturer of generic opioids, originally agreed to pay $1.7 billion as a result of its 2020 bankruptcy filing to state and local governments, as well as people directly affected by the crisis. But the company filed a second bankruptcy in August, slashing $1 billion from that figure.

Purdue Pharma, perhaps the best known of all the companies for its creation and marketing of OxyContin, had agreed to pay $6 billion as part of its bankruptcy proceedings. But the Biden administration objected to the deal this summer, and the case now lies in the hands of the Supreme Court. At its core is the question of whether its legal for the Sackler family to gain immunity from future civil cases about the opioid crisis under the companys bankruptcy deal when they have not filed for bankruptcy as individuals.

The Supreme Court heard arguments in December and is expected to rule on the case next spring or summer. Until then, no Purdue money will flow. Advocates and victims of the opioid crisis gather outside the U.S. Supreme Court on Dec. 4, while the justices hear a case about Purdue Pharmas bankruptcy deal. The protesters urged justices to overturn the deal, which would give the Sackler family immunity against future civil cases related to opioids.(Aneri Pattani/KFF Health News)

2. Most states still arent being transparent about how the money is used.

In March, KFF Health News and Minhee published a comprehensive investigation showing that only 12 states had promised to publicly report how they were using all their settlement dollars.

Since then, that number has inched up to 16.

But 15 states still have not committed to publicly reporting anything at all, and others have promised to publicize only a portion of their spending.

Many people arent happy about the secrecy.

In Ohio, a local advocacy group, Harm Reduction Ohio, sued the OneOhio Recovery Foundation, which controls most of the states settlement dollars, for violating public records and open-meeting laws. Although a judge ruled in favor of the advocacy group, it became a moot point in July, when the state passed a budget that included language exempting the foundation from such requirements.

In Michigan, the Department of Health and Human Services came under fire for not publicly reporting how it was spending upward of $40 million in settlement funds. In October just hours before a legislative subcommittee hearing in which lawmakers asked critical questions about the money the department launched a website, displaying a breakdown of organizations to which it had awarded funds.

At the national level, a dozen Democratic lawmakers have raised concerns about a lack of transparency and oversight via a Sept. 25 letter to the Office of National Drug Control Policy, which is leading the federal governments response to the opioid crisis.

We urge the Biden administration to closely track opioid settlement fund spending, to ensure that populations in need of additional support receive it, the lawmakers wrote.

The Office of National Drug Control Policy responded this month that it did not have the statutory authority from Congress to do so.

Currently, no mechanism exists that would allow ONDCP to require states to disclose their spending, the office wrote in a letter obtained by KFF Health News. ONDCP cannot effectively monitor how states use these funds. Email Sign-Up

Subscribe to KFF Health News' free Weekly Edition. Your Email Address Sign Up

3. Nationwide, money is being spent in several common areas.

Although there is no national data on how settlement dollars are spent, piecemeal tracking by journalists and advocates has surfaced some favorites.

One of the biggest is investing in treatment. Many jurisdictions are building residential rehab facilities or expanding existing ones. Theyre covering the cost of care for uninsured people and trying to increase the number of clinicians prescribing medications for opioid use disorder, which have been shown to save lives.

Another common expense is naloxone, a medication that reverses opioid overdoses. Wisconsin is spending about $8 million on this effort. Kentucky has dedicated $1 million. And many local governments are allocating smaller amounts.

Some other choices have sparked controversies. Share Your Story

Do you have concerns about how your state or locality is using the opioid settlement funds? Are they doing something effective that other places should replicate? Tell us here.Share Your Story

Several governments used settlement dollars to purchase police patrol cars, technology to help officers hack into phones, and body scanners for jails. Supporters say these tools are critical to crack down on drug trafficking, but research suggests law enforcement efforts dont prevent overdoses.

People are also divided over school-based programs to prevent kids from developing addictions. While they agree on the goal, some people favor programs that teach kids about the dangers of drugs like D.A.R.E. in the 80s while others prefer programs focused on improving mental health, resiliency, and communication skills.

Perhaps the most contentious use, though, is shoring up county budgets and paying back old bills. Even if its legal, many people directly affected by the epidemic say this misses the goal of the settlement money, which is to address todays ongoing crisis.

4. The settlements required companies to change problematic business practices, but that has had unintended consequences.

As part of their settlements, manufacturers like Allergan and Johnson & Johnson agreed not to sell opioids for 10 years and curb marketing and promotion activities. Pharmaceutical distributors were required to step up efforts to identify suspicious orders from pharmacies, under the oversight of an independent third-party monitor. Retail pharmacy chains must condct audits and site visits to their pharmacies, as well as share data with state agencies about problematic prescribers.

The goal of these stipulations is to prevent further misuse of prescription opioids. But some people see unintended consequences.

Distributors have placed stricter limits not only on pharmacy orders of opioids, but on many drugs considered potentially addictive, known as controlled substances. As a result, orders for these medications are being canceled more often and some pharmacies are hesitant to fill prescriptions for new patients. That has left people struggling to obtain medications for chronic pain, anxiety, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and, ironically, even medication that treats opioid addiction.

Bayla Ostrach, a researcher in North Carolina who studies substance use and health policy, said buprenorphine, which is considered a gold-standard treatment for opioid use disorder, was already difficult to obtain at many community pharmacies and in rural areas. But the settlements appear to be making it worse.

Instead of increasing access to treatment which is critical to stemming the number of overdoses I really worry the settlements may be having the opposite effect, Ostrach said. Members of the Washington, D.C., Opioid Abatement Advisory Commission, which will advise on the use of more than $80 million, met for the first time and were sworn in on Oct. 25. Like many other jurisdictions, the District of Columbia has yet to spend any of its settlement funds.(Aneri Pattani/KFF Health News)

5. Many places haven’t decided what to do with the money yet.

Several states, including Montana and Hawaii, have yet to spend any of the settlement funds controlled by their state agencies. In Maine and West Virginia, councils overseeing the lions share of funds are still in the process of identifying priorities and developing processes to award grants.

Across the nation, some county officials say they need more guidance on appropriate uses of the money. Others are surveying residents on what they want before making decisions.

The slow pace has frustrated some advocates, who say there should be greater urgency at a time when the drug supply is becoming increasingly deadly. But others say the money will continue arriving through 2038, so setting up thoughtful processes now could pay off for years to come.

Its a trade-off between putting out current fires and preventing future ones, said Shelly Weizman, project director of the addiction and public policy initiative at Georgetown Universitys ONeill Institute. Shes hopeful officials will strike the right balance.

Is there a vision in each state about where were going to be when the settlement monies are done? she said. My hope is that 18 years from now were not still where we are today.

Aneri Pattani: apattani@kff.org, @aneripattani Related Topics Courts Public Health States Investigation Opioid Settlements Opioids Substance Misuse Contact Us Submit a Story Tip

Continue Reading

Entertainment

Rappers Bob Vylan sue Irish broadcaster RTE over claim lead singer led ‘antisemitic chants’ at Glastonbury gig

Published

on

By

Rappers Bob Vylan sue Irish broadcaster RTE over claim lead singer led 'antisemitic chants' at Glastonbury gig

Punk-rap duo Bob Vylan are suing Irish national broadcaster RTE for defamation, claiming it misrepresented chants led by the band when they played this year’s Glastonbury festival.

The group, which performed at Dublin’s Vicar Street last month, claim they were defamed in a report by RTE News that said the lead singer led antisemitic chants when they played the Somerset festival in June.

During their performance, singer Pascal Robinson-Foster, whose stage name is Bobby Vylan, led a chant of “death, death, to the IDF [Israel Defence Forces]”.

File pic: PA
Image:
File pic: PA

Pic: PA
Image:
Pic: PA

It provoked widespread criticism of the artist, including from Glastonbury organiser Emily Eavis, and the BBC, which live streamed their show.

Phoenix Law launched legal action on behalf of Robinson-Foster and drummer Wade Laurence George at Ireland’s High Court on Monday, according to court records.

The firm said: “The proceedings arise from a broadcast aired by RTE News following Bob Vylan’s performance at Glastonbury Festival on 28 June 2025.

“During this broadcast, comments were made alleging that the lead singer of Bob Vylan led antisemitic chants. These allegations are categorically denied by our clients and are entirely untrue.”

More on Glastonbury

Phoenix Law said Bob Vylan had made statements expressing support for Palestinian self-determination and criticising military actions by the IDF (Israel Defence Forces).

His comments did not target Jewish people or express hatred towards any group, the firm said, suggesting they were “politically charged but not antisemitic in nature”.

Solicitor Darragh Mackin said the pair “are no stranger to utilising their freedom of expression to speak out against the genocide in Gaza“.

Mr Mackin said there was “a fundamental distinction between speaking critically about the role of the Israeli state forces, and being antisemitic”.

“The former is speech within the confines of political expression, whereas the latter is a form of hatred directed towards Jewish people,” he added.

Read more on Sky News:
Who are Bob Vylan?

The BBC apologised, including to the Jewish community, and said it regretted not pulling the live stream of the set and promised not to live stream “high-risk” acts in future.

It partially upheld complaints made over the broadcast, accepting the live stream broke the corporation’s editorial guidelines.

Ofcom’s chief executive, Dame Melanie Dawes, said the BBC needed to “get a grip quicker” on handling such controversies and complete its internal reports and investigations sooner.

Last month, the Metropolitan Police said detectives would take no further action over similar alleged chants made at a Bob Vylan gig in London in May.

The individual was not arrested but an investigation was ongoing, the Met said.

Avon and Somerset Police said a man, in his 30s, understood to be Mr Robinson-Foster, had voluntarily attended an interview in relation to the band’s Glastonbury performance. Enquiries are ongoing, the force said on Tuesday.

The US condemned the act’s “hateful tirade”, revoking their visas, while several festivals cancelled their upcoming appearances.

Speaking to Louis Theroux in October, Bobby Vylan said he had no regrets about the chants and would do it again “tomorrow”.

Sky News has contacted RTE for comment.

Continue Reading

Sports

Do college sports need a CBA? Some ADs are starting to think so

Published

on

By

Do college sports need a CBA? Some ADs are starting to think so

After another week of frustrating setbacks, at the end of a frustrating year trying to bring stability to their industry, a growing number of college athletic directors say they are interested in exploring a once-unthinkable option: collective bargaining with their players.

Dozens of athletic directors will gather in Las Vegas over the next few days for an annual conference. They had hoped to be raising toasts to the U.S. House of Representatives. But for the second time in three months, House members balked last week at voting on a bill that would give the NCAA protection from antitrust lawsuits and employment threats. So instead, they will be greeted by one of the Strip’s specialties: the cold-slap realization of needing a better plan.

“I’m not sure I can sit back today and say I’m really proud of what we’ve become,” Boise State athletic director Jeramiah Dickey told ESPN late last week. “There is a solution. We just have to work together to find it, and maybe collective bargaining is it.”

Athletic directors see only two paths to a future in which the college sports industry can enforce rules and defend them in court: Either Congress grants them an exemption from antitrust laws, or they collectively bargain with athletes. As Dickey said, and others have echoed quietly in the past several days, it has become irresponsible to continue to hope for an antitrust bailout without at least fully kicking the tires on the other option.

“If Congress ends up solving it for us, and it ends up being a healthy solution I’ll be the first one to do cartwheels down the street,” said Tennessee athletic director Danny White when speaking to ESPN about his interest in collective bargaining months ago. “But what are the chances they get it right when the NCAA couldn’t even get it right? We should be solving it ourselves.”

Some athletic directors thought they had solved their era of relative lawlessness back in July. The NCAA and its schools agreed to pay $2.8 billion in the House settlement to purchase a very expensive set of guardrails meant to put a cap on how much teams could spend to acquire players. The schools also agreed to fund the College Sports Commission, a new agency created by the settlement to police those restrictions.

But without an antitrust exemption, any school or player who doesn’t like a punishment they receive for bursting through those guardrails can file a lawsuit and give themselves a pretty good chance of wiggling out of a penalty. The CSC’s plan — crafted largely by leaders of the Power 4 conferences — to enforce those rules without an antitrust exemption was to get all their schools to sign a promise that they wouldn’t file any such lawsuits. On the same day that Congress’ attempt crumbled last week, seven state attorneys general angrily encouraged their schools not to sign the CSC’s proposed agreement.

In the wake of the attorneys general’s opposition, a loose deadline to sign the agreement came and went, with many schools declining to participate. So, college football is steamrolling toward another transfer portal season without any sheriff that has the legal backing to police how teams spend money on building their rosters.

That’s why college sports fans have heard head football coaches like Lane Kiffin openly describe how they negotiated for the biggest player payroll possible in a system where all teams are supposed to be capped at the same $20.5 million limit. Right now, the rules aren’t real. The stability promised as part of the House settlement doesn’t appear to be imminent. Meanwhile, the tab for potential damages in future antitrust lawsuits continues to grow larger with each passing day.

Collective bargaining isn’t easy, either. Under the current law, players would need to be employees to negotiate a legally binding deal. The NCAA and most campus leaders are adamantly opposed to turning athletes into employees for several reasons, including the added costs and infrastructure it would require.

The industry would need to make tough decisions about which college athletes should be able to bargain and how to divide them into logical groups. Should the players be divided by conference? Should all football players negotiate together? What entity would sit across from them at the bargaining table?

On Monday, Athletes.Org, a group that has been working for two years to become college sports’ version of a players’ union, published a 35-page proposal for what an agreement might look like. Their goal was to show it is possible to answer the thorny, in-the-weeds questions that have led many leaders in college sports to quickly dismiss collective bargaining as a viable option.

Multiple athletic directors and a sitting university president are taking the proposal seriously — a milestone for one of the several upstart entities working to gain credibility as a representative for college athletes. Syracuse chancellor and president Kent Syverud said Monday that he has long felt the best way forward for college sports is a negotiation where athletes have “a real collective voice in setting the rules.”

“[This template] is an important step toward that kind of partnership-based framework,” he said in a statement released with AO’s plan. “… I’m encouraged to see this conversation happening more openly, so everyone can fully understand what’s at stake.”

White, the Tennessee athletic director, has also spent years working with lawyers to craft a collective bargaining option. In his plan, the top brands in college football would form a single private company, which could then employ players. He says that would provide a solution in states where employees of public institutions are not legally allowed to unionize.

“I don’t understand why everyone’s so afraid of employment status,” White said. “We have kids all over our campus that have jobs. … We have kids in our athletic department that are also students here that work in our equipment room, and they have employee status. How that became a dirty word, I don’t get it.”

White said athletes could be split into groups by sport to negotiate for a percentage of the revenue they help to generate.

The result could be expensive for schools. Then again, paying lawyers and lobbyists isn’t cheap either. The NCAA and the four power conferences combined to spend more than $9 million on lobbyists between 2021 and 2024, the latest year where public data is available. That’s a relatively small figure compared to the fees and penalties they could face if they continue to lose antitrust cases in federal court.

“I’m not smart enough to say [collective bargaining] is the only answer or the best answer,” Dickey said. “But I think the onus is on us to at least curiously question: How do you set something up that can be sustainable? What currently is happening is not.”

Players and coaches are frustrated with the current system, wanting to negotiate salaries and build rosters with a clear idea of what rules will actually be enforced. Dickey says fans are frustrated as they invest energy and money into their favorite teams without understanding what the future holds. And athletic directors, who want to plan a yearly budget and help direct their employees, are frustrated too.

“It has been very difficult on campus. I can’t emphasize that enough,” White said. “It’s been brutal in a lot of ways. It continues to be as we try to navigate these waters without a clear-cut solution.”

This week White and Dickey won’t be alone in their frustration. They’ll be among a growing group of peers who are pushing to explore a new solution.

Continue Reading

Science

Massive Sunspot Complex on the Sun Raises Risk of Strong Solar Storms

Published

on

By

A massive sunspot complex has appeared on the Sun, covering an area comparable to the legendary Carrington Event region. Known as AR 4294-96, the active cluster features highly tangled magnetic fields that could unleash powerful solar flares and geomagnetic storms, potentially disrupting satellites, power grids, and global communications if Earth-directed eruptions oc…

Continue Reading

Trending