The chancellor first said last year that he hoped a new generation of retail investors could “engage with public markets” by buying some or all of the government’s remaining shareholding in NatWest.
With a nod to Margaret Thatcher’s successful privatisations in the late 1980s – which saw more than 10 million Britons become shareholders for the first time via stakes in businesses like British Telecom, British Airways and Rolls-Royce – the chancellor conjured up the spirit of the “If you see Sid, tell him” advertising campaign that, in autumn 1986, convinced more than 1.5 million Britons to buy shares of British Gas.
He told MPs in November: “It’s time to get Sid investing again.”
Those plans have now been scuppered by the unexpectedly early general election and the retail offer was formally shelved last weekend.
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Determined to return to private ownership
Today, though, brought evidence that the government remains determined to return NatWest to private ownership.
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It announced it has sold £1.24bn worth of shares in the lender back to NatWest itself – taking its stake down from nearly 26% to 22.5% in the process.
That stake, at its peak, had stood at nearly 84% after Gordon Brown‘s government was forced to rescue the lender – then called Royal Bank of Scotland – in 2008 at the height of the global financial crisis.
The government took its stake below 30% – which is deemed to be a controlling shareholding – with a sale to institutional investors in March this year.
The latest sale, carried out off-market, was at a price of 316p-a-share – a smidgen below NatWest’s closing price of 316.2p on Thursday night. It is the fourth such buy-back by NatWest of its shares from the government since 2021.
‘Important milestone’
Paul Thwaite, NatWest’s chief executive, said: “This transaction represents another important milestone for NatWest Group, building on recent momentum in the reduction of HM Treasury’s stake in the bank.
“We believe it is a positive use of capital for the bank and for our shareholders and represents further progress against the ambition to return NatWest Group to full private ownership.
“Our focus remains on delivering for our customers which will, in turn, deliver for our shareholders and the UK economy.” There are a few observations to make here.
The first is that, attractive as it would have been to get a new generation of retail shareholders investing in the UK stock market, selling down the government’s stake in NatWest in this way delivers better value for money for taxpayers.
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That is because the government would have been forced to sell its NatWest shares at a significant discount to the prevailing market price to encourage retail investors to pony up.
It would also probably have had to have offered other incentives, such as bonus shares for those shareholders retaining their stake for a year, to avoid those investors from ‘stagging’ the issue, in other words, buying the shares at a discount and then selling them immediately to lock in a modest profit.
Likely a shareholder for years but more sales in the coming weeks
The second observation is that the government – whoever wins the general election – is likely to remain a shareholder in NatWest for some time to come.
While a retail share offer might not necessarily have represented good value to taxpayers, it would certainly have accelerated the bank’s full return to private ownership. Mr Hunt has pledged to return NatWest to full private ownership by the end of 2026.
And a third is that this latest move does not preclude further share sales in coming weeks.
The Treasury has been using three ways to reduce its stake.
One is via direct sales to NatWest itself. This is unlikely to happen again for a while because it needs to be approved by NatWest shareholders – and the most recent authorisation has just been fulfilled by the latest purchase.
The second is via sales of large portions of the government stake to shareholders – which requires a sign-off by ministers and is therefore unlikely during the election campaign.
The third is via the Treasury’s existing sales plan, under which small quantities of stock shares are released into the market, which is probably the way forward for now.
The government’s exit via this latter route will undoubtedly be aided by the rally in NatWest shares which, since the start of the year, are up by just over 43%. The lender recently published its best annual results since the rescue of the old RBS.
What does Labour make of it?
What is not yet clear is the attitude that a future Labour government might take on the stake in NatWest.
It was always suspected when Jeremy Corbyn was Labour leader that, should he become prime minister, he would have retained the shareholding.
Sir Keir Starmer, by contrast, is assumed to be sympathetic to selling down the stake just as the current government is.
As Gary Greenwood, banking analyst at the investment bank Shore Capital, told clients earlier this week: “Should the Labour Party come to power, as widely anticipated, then such plans [for a retail share offer] are likely to be revisited and possibly amended.
“That said, whoever wins the election will still be looking to reduce and ultimately exit the Government’s stake in NatWest, in our view, so the sell down is still likely to continue in one form or another.”
Mr Thwaite and his colleagues would doubtless like to see NatWest returned to private ownership as quickly as possible so they can get on with running the bank and restoring its fortunes.
It would be helpful for all concerned were Mr Hunt’s shadow, Rachel Reeves, to make it clear where Labour stands on the timing of this.
The Post Office will next week unveil a £1.75bn deal with dozens of banks which will allow their customers to continue using Britain’s biggest retail network.
Sky News has learnt the next Post Office banking framework will be launched next Wednesday, with an agreement that will deliver an additional £500m to the government-owned company.
Banking industry sources said on Friday the deal would be worth roughly £350m annually to the Post Office – an uplift from the existing £250m-a-year deal, which expires at the end of the year.
The sources added that in return for the additional payments, the Post Office would make a range of commitments to improving the service it provides to banks’ customers who use its branches.
Banks which participate in the arrangements include Barclays, HSBC, Lloyds Banking Group, NatWest Group and Santander UK.
Under the Banking Framework Agreement, the 30 banks and mutuals’ customers can access the Post Office’s 11,500 branches for a range of services, including depositing and withdrawing cash.
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The service is particularly valuable to those who still rely on physical cash after a decade in which well over 6,000 bank branches have been closed across Britain.
In 2023, more than £10bn worth of cash was withdrawn over the counter and £29bn in cash was deposited over the counter, the Post Office said last year.
A new, longer-term deal with the banks comes at a critical time for the Post Office, which is trying to secure government funding to bolster the pay of thousands of sub-postmasters.
Reliant on an annual government subsidy, the reputation of the network’s previous management team was left in tatters by the Horizon IT scandal and the wrongful conviction of hundreds of sub-postmasters.
A Post Office spokesperson declined to comment ahead of next week’s announcement.
As Chancellor Rachel Reeves meets her counterpart, US Treasury secretary Scott Bessent to discuss an “economic agreement” between the two countries, the latest trade figures confirm three realities that ought to shape negotiations.
The first is that the US remains a vital customer for UK businesses, the largest single-nation export market for British goods and the third-largest import partner, critical to the UK automotive industry, already landed with a 25% tariff, and pharmaceuticals, which might yet be.
In 2024 the US was the UK’s largest export market for cars, worth £9bn to companies including Jaguar Land Rover, Bentley and Aston Martin, and accounting for more than 27% of UK automotive exports.
Little wonder the domestic industry fears a heavy and immediate impact on sales and jobs should tariffs remain.
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American car exports to the UK by contrast are worth just £1bn, which may explain why the chancellor may be willing to lower the current tariff of 10% to 2.5%.
For UK medicines and pharmaceutical producers meanwhile, the US was a more than £6bn market in 2024. Currently exempt from tariffs, while Mr Trump and his advisors think about how to treat an industry he has long-criticised for high prices, it remains vulnerable.
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The second point is that the US is even more important for the services industry. British exports of consultancy, PR, financial and other professional services to America were worth £131bn last year.
That’s more than double the total value of the goods traded in the same direction, but mercifully services are much harder to hammer with the blunt tool of tariffs, though not immune from regulation and other “non-tariff barriers”.
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The third point is that, had Donald Trump stuck to his initial rationale for tariffs, UK exporters should not be facing a penny of extra cost for doing business with the US.
The president says he slapped blanket tariffs on every nation bar Russia to “rebalance” the US economy and reverse goods trade ‘deficits’ – in which the US imports more than it exports to a given country.
That heavily contested argument might apply to Mexico, Canada, China and many other manufacturing nations, but it does not meaningfully apply to Britain.
Figures from the Office for National Statistics show the US ran a small goods trade deficit with the UK in 2024 of £2.2bn, importing £59.3bn of goods against exports of £57.1bn.
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Add in services trade, in which the UK exports more than double what it imports from the US, and the UK’s surplus – and thus the US ‘deficit’ – swells to nearly £78bn.
That might be a problem were it not for the US’ own accounts of the goods and services trade with Britain, which it says actually show a $15bn (£11.8bn) surplus with the UK.
You might think that they cannot both be right, but the ONS disagrees. The disparity is caused by the way the US Bureau of Economic Analysis accounts for services, as well as a range of statistical assumptions.
“The presence of trade asymmetries does not indicate that either country is inaccurate in their estimation,” the ONS said.
That might be encouraging had Mr Trump not ignored his own arguments and landed the UK, like everyone else in the world, with a blanket 10% tariff on all goods.
Trade agreements are notoriously complex, protracted affairs, which helps explain why after nine years of trying the UK still has not got one with the US, and the Brexit deal it did with the EU against a self-imposed deadline has been proved highly disadvantageous.
Water regulators and the government have failed to provide a trusted and resilient industry at the same time as bills rise, the state spending watchdog has said.
Public trust in the water sector has reached a record low, according to a report from the National Audit Office (NAO) on the privatised industry.
Not since monitoring began in 2011 has consumer trust been at such a level, it said.
The last time bills rose at this rate was just before the global financial crash, between 2004-05 and 2005-06.
Regulation failure
All three water regulators – Ofwat, the Environment Agency and Drinking Water Inspectorate – and the government department for environment, food and rural affairs (Defra) have played a role in the failure, the NAO said, adding they do not know enough about the condition or age of water infrastructure and the level of funding needed to maintain it.
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Since the utilities were privatised in 1989, the average rate of replacement for water assets is 125 years, the watchdog said. If the current pace is maintained, it will take 700 years to replace the existing water mains.
Image: The NAO said the government and regulators have failed to drive sufficient investment into the sector. File pic: PA
Despite there being three regulators tasked with water, there is no one responsible for proactively inspecting wastewater to prevent environmental harm, the report found.
Instead, regulation is reactive, fining firms when harm has already occurred.
Financial penalties and rewards, however, have not worked as water company performance hasn’t been “consistent or significantly improved” in recent years, the report said.
‘Gaps, inconsistencies, tension’
The NAO called for this to change and for a body to be tasked with the whole process and assets. At present, the Drinking Water Inspectorate monitors water coming into a house, but there is no entity looking at water leaving a property.
Similarly no body is tasked with cybersecurity for wastewater businesses.
As well as there being gaps, “inconsistent” watchdog responsibilities cause “tension” and overlap, the report found.
The Environment Agency has no obligation to balance customer affordability with its duty to the environment when it assesses plans, the NAO said.
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Company and investment criticism
Regulators have also been blamed for failing to drive enough funding into the water sector.
From having spoken to investors through numerous meetings, the NAO learnt that confidence had declined, which has made it more expensive to invest in companies providing water.
Even investors found Ofwat’s five-yearly price review process “complex and difficult”, the report said.
Financial resilience of the industry has “weakened” with Ofwat having signalled concerns about the financial resilience of 10 of the 16 major water companies.
Most notably, the UK’s largest provider, Thames Water, faced an uncertain future and potential nationalisation before securing an emergency £3bn loan, adding to its already massive £16bn debt pile.
Water businesses have been overspending, with only some extra spending linked to high inflation in recent years, leading to rising bills, the NAO said.
Over the next 25 years, companies plan to spend £290bn on infrastructure and investment, while Ofwat estimates a further £52bn will be needed to deliver up to 30 water supply projects, including nine reservoirs.
Image: The NAO said regulators do not have a good understanding of the condition of infrastructure assets
What else is going on?
From today, a new government law comes into effect which could see water bosses who cover up illegal sewage spills imprisoned for up to two years.
Such measures are necessary, Defra said, as some water companies have obstructed investigations and failed to hand over evidence on illegal sewage discharges, preventing crackdowns.
Meanwhile, the Independent Water Commission (IWC), led by former Bank of England deputy governor Sir Jon Cunliffe, is carrying out the largest review of the industry since privatisation.
What the regulators and government say?
In response to the report, Ofwat said: “The NAO’s report is an important contribution to the debate about the future of the water industry.
“We agree with the NAO’s recommendations for Ofwat and we continue to progress our work in these areas, and to contribute to the IWC’s wider review of the regulatory framework. We also look forward to the IWC’s recommendations and to working with government and other regulators to better deliver for customers and the environment.”
An Environment Agency spokesperson said: “We have worked closely with the National Audit Office in producing this report and welcome its substantial contribution to the debate on the future of water regulation.
“We recognise the significant challenges facing the water industry. That is why we will be working with Defra and other water regulators to implement the report’s recommendations and update our frameworks to reflect its findings.”
A Defra spokesperson said: “The government has taken urgent action to fix the water industry – but change will not happen overnight.
“We have put water companies under tough special measures through our landmark Water Act, with new powers to ban the payment of bonuses to polluting water bosses and bring tougher criminal charges against them if they break the law.”
Water UK, which represents the water firms, has been contacted for comment.