Former prime minister David Cameron once described himself as a “modern, compassionate Conservative”.
That was in 2011, in an interview during the party’s annual conference in Manchester, the early years of the coalition.
“Cameronism” – or “Cameroonism”, you take your pick – became the self-defined lens of conservatism that Cameron used during his six years in Number 10. Austerity, combined with policy to appeal to social liberals, such as equal marriage, and environmental “responsibility – to the next generation”.
Fourteen years on from that interview, “Badenochism” has yet to truly define itself, but it’s fair to say that the Conservatives of 2010 are different to those of 2025.
The party has shifted further to the right in recent years, with some jumping ship to join Reform UK. Both parties are now fighting for the soul of the British right.
This got Electoral Dysfunction listener Sean thinking – he sent in a question about whether defectors would be welcomed back to the Conservatives in the future. Co-host Ruth Davidson, who previously was leader of the Scottish Conservatives in Holyrood, had plenty of thoughts.
Ruth says…
Image: Ruth Davidson was previously leader of the Scottish Conservatives – she now co-hosts Electoral Dysfunction
The kind of conservatism that I represent, I think, is very far from Reform.
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There are some people within the Conservative Party that see almost the Conservative-Reform spectrum as a continuum, and that actually one bleeds into the other, and there may even be a bit of crossover in it.
I don’t see it like that.
I find what’s alarming [is] the journey from a Conservative Party Conference where you had David Cameron as leader, you had Justine Greening, you had Greg Clarke, you had Dominic Grieve, William Hague, you had all of these people, you had a really broad tent.
You had people like Liam Fox that were representing the right of the party.
Image: The Conservatives are being ‘outflanked’ on the right, Ruth says
The idea that we’ve gone from such a broad church to now fighting on such a small patch of ground over immigration.
The attack that Kemi’s getting from within the party, he would say that he’s trying to be supportive, but in terms of the challenge she’s getting within from Robert Jenrick, it’s all on this really narrow patch of land.
If you look at the broad swathes of policy that’s out there that affects people in economics, in business, in social care, in public services, in education, in opportunities for young people, we could fight on any ground and the fights that we’re choosing to have right now are on this really, really narrow path of ground.
We’re being outflanked on the right and we’re drifting ever further towards there. It makes me sad as somebody that believes in “big tent” conservatism.
Image: Has Reform’s arrival ended ‘big tent’ conservatism?
I think when your party is under threat, and I think this happens to all parties, when you’re reducing rather than expanding, you talk to your base to try to generate your base to come out for you.
You don’t then talk to try to convert others who have previously voted for other parties at different elections.
You’ve all of these groups that exist that are populated by people who are still of the more centre-right views rather than right views – like the Conservative Environment Network, LGBT+ Conservatives – but the difficulty they have is that they have that same sort of confliction that we saw a lot of parliamentarians under Jeremy Corbyn had – like Jess Phillips, like Wes Streeting.
They want to be loyal to the party, they want to support the leader, but they struggle with the fact that what the vehicle is espousing is not their beliefs.
Electoral Dysfunction unites political powerhouses Beth Rigby, Ruth Davidson, and Harriet Harman to cut through the spin, and explain to you what’s really going on in Westminster and beyond.
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Although none of the Number 10 team are household names or public figures, the tally of those cycling through the top jobs is worth noting.
As of now, he’s had four chiefs of staff – the incumbent returning to the job, two cabinet secretaries with a third rumoured to be on the way and five directors of communications – a job that routinely fails to last a year these days.
The lesson this tells us is that when there’s blame to go around, Sir Keir is happy to apportion it to his closest aides.
In an interview today, the prime minister was clear that these changes are about moving to a new phase of government, more focused on delivery.
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A delivery phase implies legislation completed and a focus on implementation. Bluntly, this is not the case or an accurate assessment of the job that now needs to be done.
The autumn term is not about implementation.
It’s about filling the £20bn to £40bn black hole we expect to emerge in the autumn budget, as well as continuing to deal with an uncertain world globally, and deciding on massively tricky domestic issues like reform of special educational needs and whether to revisit welfare reform.
We are still at the “big choices” section of this parliament, not the delivery phase.
The big choice in Sir Keir’s reset on Monday has been to bring in his own Mr Fixit into Downing Street.
He chose a mid-level cabinet minister, Darren Jones – until today the number two in the Treasury – and has parachuted him into his office to oversee policy.
This is an appointment, I’m told, that was pushed and encouraged by Rachel Reeves because of Mr Jones’ role in the spending review.
As chief secretary, Mr Jones is meant to have gone item by item through every department’s budget. He knows where the financial bodies are buried and will be a major alternate source of advice for Sir Keir to individual cabinet ministers.
This is undoubtedly a recipe for conflict. There are already some around the cabinet table who found Mr Jones’ style a touch brusque. His fans say this is part of why he is effective: he is prepared to challenge what he’s told, is an independent thinker and unafraid to challenge big beasts.
He will now play this role permanently, on behalf of the prime minister, and structurally, this means he is bound to be disliked by several of these colleagues who will no doubt, in time, seek to undermine him, just as he will challenge them and have the last word with Sir Keir.
No matter that some might be surprised at the choice, as a fiscal and reforming hawk, since few would put him on the same ideological wing of the party as the prime minister. He is also a late joiner to the Starmer project, although joining in opposition spent years longer than some as chair of the business select committee rather than taking more junior roles.
This is now immaterial. He is responsible for making Sir Keir’s government work in practice. His colleagues could do worse than to sincerely wish him good luck and leave him to it, as there is a great deal to be done.