The DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson has said that Chuck Schumer needs to read some history books, after the US Senate majority leader urged the DUP to go back into Stormont.
The comments came at the annual Ireland Funds dinner in Washington, attended by Irish political leaders including Leo Varadkar and powerful US figures like House speaker Kevin McCarthy and Mr Schumer, the most senior politician in the Senate.
Mr Schumer used his address to encourage the DUP to endorse the Windsor Framework, the new UK-EU post-Brexit deal announced last month.
“Now the Windsor Framework has been announced,” Mr Schumer said, “I sincerely hopes it clears the way for the DUP to join Sinn Fein in a power-sharing agreement.”
“I say to all parties in the North, but especially the DUP, let’s get to the people’s business, the business of power-sharing and self-governing.”
He continued that “as majority leader of the United States Senate which decides on treaties, I will not support any trade deal between the US and the UK if any settlement undermines the Good Friday Agreement”.
Sir Jeffrey told Sky News: “I would urge the senator to read some history books. Maybe he’d learn a little bit more about what really happens and the reality of the situation.”
The DUP says the Windsor Framework is a step in the right direction, but maintains that certain areas require change. The party is looking to Rishi Sunak to step in, and make the changes it requires before it will consider going back into power-sharing.
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1:23
What does the DUP want from the new Brexit deal?
“We’re saying the [UK] government needs to go further and to dig deeper to ensure that what we get not only works for here and now but is futureproof,” Sir Jeffrey added.
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The build-up to St Patrick’s Day has seen the traditional exodus of Ireland’s political leaders to the US.
Ahead of his meeting with Joe Biden on Friday, the Irish prime minister told Sky News that this is “a very sensitive moment in this process”.
Asked if any changes can possibly be made to the new post-Brexit deal, Mr Varadkar said: “It’s not for me to speak for other people. What’s happened is that we have an agreement at long last between the UK and the European Commission that has been endorsed by the Irish government, also the UK government.
“Ultimately it’s going to be a decision for the UK prime minister when they press ahead and what they decide to do with their own domestic legislation.”
Expect delicate language from the Irish govt as the focus remains on DUP
Leo Varadkar has a reputation for occasionally getting in hot water with his forthright answers. But during this interview with Sky News, the Irish leader was restrained and disciplined when repeatedly questioned about what he wanted the DUP to do about the Windsor Framework.
An outside observer might think, weeks after the deal was heralded with jubilance by London and Brussels, that the Irish government might be ratcheting up the pressure on the largest unionist party to accept the deal, and get Stormont back working.
But Mr Varadkar’s steadfast refusal to opine strongly reflects a belief in Dublin that Sir Jeffery needs time and space to embrace the deal. For now, the DUP’s public stance is that – just like the protocol – real changes are needed to the text of the Windsor Framework.
Privately, many believe that the party’s leader is keen to find a way to get back to power-sharing without completely dismissing the new agreement. But he needs to carry the hard-line wing of his party with him. And that task would be made significantly more difficult if he’s perceived to be bowing to any pressure from south of the border.
So as the St Patrick’s week events continue in the American capital, expect delicate language from the Irish government as the focus remains on the DUP. Whether Joe Biden will be as diplomatic on Friday is another matter.
The Irish leader declined to say what his message to Sir Jeffrey was, asserting his conversations would remain private.
Asked if it was a mistake by the British government to brand the agreement as the Windsor Framework, and involve King Charles in an overt attempt to woo unionists, Mr Varadkar said that Dublin had no objections at the time.
The Taoiseach said that “we were asked whether we were comfortable about the term Windsor Framework being used and we said that we were”.
“What’s mattered to us all along is the substance,” Mr Varadkar added.
He also spoke of his hopes for a good working relationship with Mr Sunak, who he has yet to meet in person.
“I do think he means business,” Mr Varadkar said of the UK prime minster. “There’s a real opportunity to restore British-Irish relations to where they were before Brexit. They were really good before Brexit.”
Image: Mr Varadkar told Sky News his conversations with Sir Jeffrey would remain private
Mr Biden is also expected to reiterate his administration’s support for the Windsor Framework, and encourage all parties in Northern Ireland to endorse it.
Mr Reynolds, speaking to reporters in the Lincolnshire town, said that nationalisation was the “likely option at this stage”.
He added: “What we are now going to do, having secured both control of the site and the supply of raw materials, so the blast furnaces won’t close in a matter of days, is work on the future.
“We’ve got the ownership question, which is pressing.
“I was clear when I gave the speech in parliament – we know there is a limited lifespan of the blast furnaces, and we know that what we need for the future is a private sector partner to come in and work with us on that transformation and co-fund that transformation.”
Reynolds rows back
Mr Reynolds said he would look at Chinese firms “in a different way” following the race to save British Steel, but did not rule out their involvement completely.
The comments were at odds with his previous remarks to Sky News’ Sunday Morning With Trevor Phillips,when he said he would not “personally bring a Chinese company into our steel sector” again, describing steel as a “sensitive area” in the UK.
The government has taken over British Steel’s Scunthorpe plant, the last in the UK capable of producing virgin steel, after talks with its Chinese owners, Jingye, broke down.
The company recently cancelled orders for supplies of the raw materials needed to keep the blast furnaces running, sparking a race against time to keep it operational.
Materials secured by the government arrived at the site on Tuesday, but questions remain about the long-term future of British Steel and whether it will be fully nationalised or the private sector will get involved.
Earlier on Tuesday, industry minister Sarah Jones said she is “not ruling out” the possibility of another Chinese partner.
She said having a pragmatic relationship with Beijing, the world’s second-biggest economy, is still important and stringent tests would apply “to a Chinese company as they would to any other company”.
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9:35
China relationship ‘really important’
Asked for clarity on his position during a visit to the port of Immingham, where materials from two ships are being unloaded and transported to the plant, Mr Reynolds said: “I think we’ve got to recognise that steel is a sensitive sector.
“A lot of the issues in the global economy with steel come from production and dumping of steel products… so I think you would look at a Chinese firm in a different way.
“But I’m really keen to stress the action we’ve taken here was to step in because it was one specific company that I thought wasn’t acting in the UK’s national interest, and we had to take the action we did.”
The materials that arrived on Tuesday, including coking coal and iron, are enough to keep the furnaces running for weeks, the Department for Business and Trade said.
They are needed because if the furnaces cool down too much, the molten iron solidifies and blocks the furnaces, making it extremely difficult and expensive to restart them.
Switching off furnaces is a costly nightmare the govt wants to avoid
There’s no switch that easily turns a blast furnace on and off.
Temperatures inside can approach 2,000C and to protect the structure the interior is lined with ceramic insulation.
But the ceramic bricks expand and contract depending on the temperature, and any change needs to be done carefully over several weeks to stop them cracking.
Molten material inside the furnace also needs to be drained by drilling a hole through the wall of the furnace.
It’s a dangerous and expensive process, normally only ever done when there’s a major planned refurbishment.
That’s why the government wants to keep the furnaces at Scunthorpe burning.
The problem is, supplies for the furnaces are running low.
They need pellets of iron ore – the main raw material for making steel.
And they also need a processed form of coal called coke – the fuel that provides both the heat and the chemical reaction to purify the iron so it’s ready to make strong steel alloy.
Without a fresh supply of both the furnaces may have to be turned off in just a fortnight. And that would be a complex, costly nightmare the government wants to avoid.
‘Chinese ownership truly dreadful’
Opposition politicians have accused China of sabotage to increase reliance on its steel products, and want the country to be prevented from future dealings not only with steel but any UK national infrastructure.
Veteran Tory MP Sir Iain Duncan Smith said the government needs to define which industries are “strategic” – and prevent China from being allowed to invest in such sectors.
Liberal Democrats foreign affairs spokesperson Calum Miller said reverting to Chinese ownership would be like finding “your house ransacked and then leaving your doors unlocked”.
Image: Raw materials for the Scunthorpe steel plant
Image: Coking coal is unloaded at Immingham Port. Pic: Reuters
Reform UK leader Nigel Farage took the same position, saying the thought the government “could even contemplate another Chinese owner of British steel is truly dreadful”, and that he would not have China “in our nuclear program, anywhere near our telecoms or anything else”.
“They are not our friends,” he added.
Number 10 said on Monday that it was not aware of any “sabotage” at the plant and there is no block on Chinese companies.
The Chinese embassy has urged the British government not to “politicise” the situation by “linking it to security issues”, saying it is “an objective fact that British steel companies have generally encountered difficulties in recent years”.
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Jingye reported losses of around £700k a day at Scunthorpe, which will now come at a cost to the taxpayer after emergency legislation on Saturday allowed the government to take it over.
During Tuesday morning’s interview round, Ms Jones said the government had offered Jingye money in return for investment and “we think that there is a model there that we could replicate with another private sector company”.
But she said there “isn’t another private sector company there waiting in the wings” currently, and that it may be a “national solution” that is needed.
She said “all of the options” were expensive but that it would have cost more to the taxpayer to allow the site to shut.
A YouGov poll shows the majority of the public (61%) support the government’s decision to nationalise British Steel.
So is Mr Reynolds’ U-turn the result of being nobbled by Number 10? It certainly looks like it, given what appeared to be a Downing Street slap-down on Monday.
And when Sir Trevor said: “There’s a high trust bar now, isn’t there?” Mr Reynolds replied: “Yes, we’ve got to recognise that.”
Two days later, pressed on his Sky News interview during a visit to Immingham docks, he said: “In this case, our difference of opinion on the future was with a specific company.
“I know there’s a lot of interest in the wider UK-China relationship, understandably so. But this was about this company.”
And he added: “I’m really keen to stress the action we’ve taken here was to step in because it was one specific company…”
So that’s clear then? Or is it? What’s changed?
What changed is that on Monday, Number 10 insisted there was no block on China from essential industries, even steel.
The prime minister’s spokesman said: “We already a have a rigorous regime for assessing any involvement in critical infrastructure. That includes looking at the role of China in our supply chains and investment infrastructure.”
Got that, Mr Reynolds? He has now, obviously.
Nigel Farage hasn’t. “The very thought the government could even contemplate another Chinese owner of British Steel is truly dreadful,” the Reform UK leader declared while campaigning in Durham.
“There’s no such thing as a private company in China. They’re all effectively under the control of the Chinese Communist Party. Clearly, the government has learned nothing if they’re prepared to say this.
“I would go further. I wouldn’t have China in our nuclear programme, anywhere near our telecoms or anything else. They are not our friends.”
Guess who agrees with that? “Giving another Chinese firm ownership of British Steel would be like coming home to find your house ransacked and then leaving your doors unlocked!” said an outraged Lib Dem MP, Calum Miller.
No doubt, the Lib Dems are outraged by China’s refusal to allow their MP Wera Hobhouse being denied entry into Hong Kong to visit her newborn grandson. And who can blame them?
Mr Farage also spoke about visiting the Scunthorpe blast furnaces last week, claiming: “Not, by the way, an out-of-character thing for me to do, because I worked for 22 years in the metals business before getting involved in politics.”
Really? The metals business? Well, Mr Farage certainly has some brass neck. He was, in fact, a commodities trader in the City of London. OK, so presumably those commodities did include metal.
And what of the government? Despite Mr Reynolds accusing Mr Cameron and Mr Osborne of naivety, Sir Keir Starmer’s senior ministers have actively wooed China too.
Rachel Reeves, the chancellor, visited China in January to promote “new opportunities” for investment. Ed Miliband, the energy secretary, signed up to close ties with China on energy during a visit last month and Douglas Alexander, the trade minister, has been in China this week.
Yet former Tory leader Sir Iain Duncan Smith has insisted ministers must ban China from critical infrastructure and claimed former Labour prime minister Clement Attlee “would be turning in his grave”.
And what of Margaret Thatcher and her famous quote? Well, it was the Iron Lady herself who privatised British Steel in the 1980s – and opened the door to Chinese involvement.
Speaking to UnHerd, Vance said: “I think there’s a good chance that, yes, we’ll come to a great agreement that’s in the best interest of both countries.”
Behind the scenes, for many weeks – since well before Donald Trump‘s ‘Liberation Day’ nearly two weeks ago – British trade negotiators led by the UK’s ambassador to the US, Lord Mandelson, have been negotiating as best they could with the US administration.
Their engagement with officials close to Mr Trump has facilitated ministerial meetings and White House-Downing Street phone calls.
I am told the UK is “now in the deal space”. Another source told me the UK was “in the foothills” of a deal. But it has not been straightforward, and there is some distance to go.
Prior to Trump’s Liberation Day, there had been some hope that the UK would achieve some sort of deal to avoid them. But it was clear quite quickly that Mr Trump needed his ‘moment’.
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9:20
Trump Tariffs: How the 10 days unfolded
Many foreign diplomats, including the British, negotiating on their countries’ behalf, were also struggling to achieve substantive negotiations because even those close to the president were not clear on his views, his choices and where he would ‘land’ on issues.
This, incidentally, is an issue that can be applied to many aspects of this Trump administration. “It’s always quite speculative,” one European diplomat said to me.
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14:53
Trump meets ‘coolest dictator’
The clamour for engagement
The challenge since Liberation Day has been to re-engage the White House with the offers already laid out over the past few months. Many countries have been doing this. You can imagine the clamour for engagement.
A key question is whether the baseline tariff of 10% (applied to Britain – and now to everyone else following the 90-day pause) is negotiable. Mr Vance’s language seems to suggest it is.
Image: Sir Keir, Mr Trump and JD Vance in the Oval Office in February. Pic: Reuters
A deal then between the UK and the US may be “in the foothills”. Watch for a deal with Australia too soon.
But to call it a ‘trade deal’ with the UK would be misleading. It’s an ‘economic deal’ to reduce the tariffs. It is, however, a large step forward for the UK, which has been trying to engage America in closer trade alignment since Brexit.
Questions remain
The details of any deal will be fascinating, and it is where the controversy will be. Will the UK reduce its trade barriers on US vehicles? Will this impact UK road safety standards?
Will the UK make it easier for US farmers to sell in the UK? And if so, what will struggling UK farmers make of this? Will UK food standards (currently aligned with the EU) need to be lowered?
The desired ‘landing zone’ here for the UK would be improved market access for American farmers, but only in areas where the US meets UK standards.
Watch too for a deal on digital services. At the moment, the UK taxes here hit US tech companies.
So we’re in the foothills, but there is a climb ahead still, and on an untrodden, unpredictable path.