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Climate activists with Stop the Money Pipeline hold a rally in New York City to urge companies to end their support for the proposed Line 3 pipeline project and stop funding fossil fuels and forest destruction, April 17, 2021.

Erik McGregor | LightRocket | Getty Images

In October, Scott Fitzpatrick, then-treasurer of Missouri, announced his state would pull $500 million out of pension funds managed by BlackRock.

He said he would move Missouri’s money away from the asset manager because it was “prioritizing” environmental, social and governance investing over shareholder returns. Fitzpatrick, a Republican who won election as the state’s auditor in November, used his office as treasurer to target BlackRock after years of criticizing Wall Street for a perceived turn toward investing focused on climate and social issues.

As he homed in on BlackRock, Fitzpatrick quietly held a financial stake in a massive fossil fuel company that could suffer from the broader adoption of alternative energy. Fitzpatrick and his wife owned a more than $10,000 stake in Chevron during both of 2022 and 2021, according to his latest financial disclosures filed with the state.

Fitzpatrick is among a group of powerful Republican state leaders who have waged similar fights against environmentally conscious investing as they held personal investments in, or saw political support from, the fossil fuel industry.

A handful of state financial officers who have similarly attacked ESG practices owned stock or bonds in oil, gas or other fossil fuel companies in recent years, according to the latest state financial disclosure reports reviewed by CNBC. Some of the state officials have received campaign donations from fossil fuel companies or their executives.

State leaders face possible conflicts of interest when they have a chance to see financial gains from the fossil fuel industry as they use their offices to defend the sector — or in some cases move their state’s dollars away from clean-energy investments, government ethics experts told CNBC. As the officials ramp up their criticism of Wall Street investment practices, a lack of state laws requiring regular stock disclosures makes it difficult for the public to monitor what personal stake their representatives could have in the actions they take in office.

Brandon Alexander, the chief of staff to the Missouri auditor’s office, told CNBC in an emailed statement that Fitzpatrick’s publicly traded securities are either in a trust or qualified retirement accounts that are managed by a financial advisor.

“Other than employer sponsored retirement accounts (the entirety of which are invested in target date funds over which he has no control), all of Auditor Fitzpatrick’s publicly traded securities, are held in a trust or in qualified retirement accounts which are actively managed by a financial advisor to whom he gives no direction,” Alexander said. “He has never ‘had private briefings tied back to the fossil fuel industry’ nor does he personally direct or execute trades himself. Auditor Fitzpatrick stands by his criticism of the ESG movement, especially as it relates to the application of ESG standards in the management of public funds.”

Unlike members of Congress, state financial officers in many cases only have to disclose their stock ownership once a year. In some states, they do not have to divulge their investments at all. In contrast with federal lawmakers, they also do not have to file regular records disclosing their new trades.

None of the officials mentioned in this story engaged in illegal conduct. But the fact that they have investments that could be helped by their high-profile campaigns against ESG investing may create trust issues with the people they represent, says ethics experts.

“This is a problem that we have elected officials at the federal and state level that are simply not willing to avoid personal financial conflicts of interest,” Richard Painter, who was the chief White House ethics lawyer in the George W. Bush administration, told CNBC in an interview. “You could have someone own stock in a company and pursue policy that could benefit that company. What’s good for Exxon Mobil’s stock is not necessarily good for America.”

Painter said that owning such stock is not illegal for state based leaders. Congressional lawmakers are also allowed to own stock but the 2012 STOCK Act disallows members of Congress to use non-public information to gain a profit and prohibits insider trading.

Another government ethics expert also cited an appearance of conflict as an issue for public officials.

“If an official has a financial interest in a company or an industry, it is reasonable to question whether that interest impacts how they approach their government work,” Donald Sherman, a senior vice president and chief counsel for watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, told CNBC in an interview.

The fight against ESG investment standards has become a core issue for some Republicans at the federal and state level. Many of those officials have used their positions to target companies they believe are too politically active or, in some cases, are hurting certain industries, such as fossil fuels.

In the case of state financial officers, they have the power to shift public assets or pension funds away from certain firms and to other institutions.

Vocal ESG critics have fossil fuel ties

Georgia’s state treasurer, Steve McCoy, was appointed by Republican Gov. Brian Kemp in 2020. He was among state financial officers, including Fitzpatrick in Missouri, who last year co-signed a letter to President Joe Biden opposing policies that promote ESG. The Biden administration has promoted environmentally conscious investing, and the president used his first veto on a measure that would have shot down a Labor Department rule that promoted ESG policies.

The letter said the state officials “believe the White House should be spearheading a call to invest in American energy instead of pursuing ESG initiatives that divide American energy businesses and discourage investment in these reliable energy industries.” The group went on to say that “freedom is the key to addressing climate change. The depth and breadth of American innovation is unparalleled globally, including the development of green technologies. However, oil, gas, coal, and nuclear are currently the most reliable and plentiful baseload power sources for America and much of the rest of the world.”

McCoy is one of the state financial officers who held an investment in fossil fuels. He had a stake in the industry as recently as 2020 — though changes in disclosure rules mean he has not had to disclose his assets more recently.

McCoy disclosed in 2020 that he owns bonds in fracking company Halliburton and a stake in the U.S. Oil Fund, an ETF that tracks the benchmark price of U.S. crude oil. The disclosure says that these stakes are either “more than 5 percent of the total interests in such business or investment, or [have] a net fair market value of more than $5,000.”

The 2020 disclosure was the last time McCoy filed a document showing his investments. Some states, including Georgia, do not require officials who hold key state positions to file full disclosure forms, and require those leaders to publish only a one-page affidavit, according to Haley Barrett, a spokeswoman for Georgia’s Government Transparency and Campaign Finance Commission.

Two of McCoy’s affidavits filed with the state say virtually nothing about his business dealings and stock holdings. McCoy’s most recent affidavit, from 2022, shows his titles as treasurer and as a member of a variety of boards, including the state Depository Board.

McCoy also had to sign a statement to confirm that he has taken “I have taken no official action as a public officer in the previous calendar year which had a material effect on my private, financial or business interests.” That affidavit and a 2021 version of the document does not say whether McCoy currently owns any stocks in the fossil fuel industry.

When asked about what the state ethics commission does to verify if those signed statements are accurate, Barrett said in an email that “once these documents have been filed with our office and reviewed, there is an opportunity to determine if there are any discrepancies in the filings. Investigations can be initiated internally through our office or by a third party complaint.”

McCoy and his office did not return requests for comment.

McCoy is far from the only ESG critic who has a financial or political interest in fossil fuel companies.

Texas’ state comptroller, Glenn Hegar, argued in letters to money managers last year that he believes firms such as BlackRock, HSBC and UBS are boycotting the energy industry, saying in a statement at the time that he believes “environmental crusaders” have created a “false narrative” that the economy can transition away from fossil fuels. Hegar co-signed an open letter in 2021 with other state financial officers that was addressed to the U.S. banking industry and defended the fossil fuel industry.

“We will each take concrete steps within our respective authority to select financial institutions that support a free market and are not engaged in harmful fossil fuel industry boycotts for our states’ financial services contracts,” the letter reads.

He also co-signed the 2022 letter to Biden from a slate of other state financial officers defending the fossil fuel industry.

Hegar has since escalated his campaign against the institutions. Hegar sent letters to fellow state money managers arguing that they have not done enough to cut ties with BlackRock and other firms that he said boycotted the oil and gas industry, Bloomberg reported in February.

In the lead-up to his anti-ESG push, Hegar owned stock in the oil and gas industry. In 2021, the Texas comptroller and his spouse owned between 100 and 499 shares of Devon Energy and up to 99 shares of ConocoPhillips, according to his latest financial disclosure.

His financial records from all of the previous years since he became state comptroller in 2015 do not show any stock in these two companies or in the fossil fuel industry at large.

Hegar’s political ambitions have also seen a boost from the oil and gas industry — a dominating force in Texas. During his 2022 reelection, Hegar received donations from a range of PACs and executives from the oil and gas business.

His campaign received $10,000 last year from Ben “Bud” Brigham, the chairman of oil and gas development company Brigham Exploration, according to state campaign finance records. The PACs of Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Devon Energy, Calpine Corp. and Valero Energy were among Hegar’s fossil fuel donors during his run for reelection last year, according to state records.

Hegar and his office did not return requests for comment.

Jimmy Patronis, Florida’s chief financial officer, has been railing against ESG investment standards since around the time he was reelected to the position in November. Patronis was also among the co-signers of the 2022 letter to Biden defending the fossil fuel industry.

By December, Patronis announced that the Florida Treasury would start divesting $2 billion of assets managed by BlackRock. In an interview on CNBC’s “Squawk Box” in February, Patronis explained the decision.

“The bottom line: I’m seeing dollars are being siphoned off. I’m seeing individuals, like [BlackRock CEO Larry] Fink and others that are using the state of Florida’s money for a social agenda,” he said.

He added: “I just care about returns. And I’m not seeing that.”

Heading into 2022, he also had a financial interest in the fossil fuel industry.

Patronis owned 100 shares combined of Exxon Mobil and Chevron — the two largest gas companies in the world — at the end of 2021, according to his most recent publicly available disclosure.

His personal interest in fossil fuel companies has grown in recent years. In 2018, he disclosed only about 10 shares of Exxon and did not list any Chevron stock.

The document was the first time since 2018 that Patronis listed investments in the sector.

Frank Collins III, the state’s deputy chief financial officer, told CNBC in a statement that Patronis believes ESG efforts are part of a campaign to decimate the oil and gas industry. He said Patronis does not personally make trading or investment decisions for the state’s retirement systems.

“The CFO wants great returns for those in Florida’s retirement funds, nothing else. While the ESG movement has been on a campaign to erase America’s oil and gas industry from the map, those industries were making returns for investors,” Collins said.

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Bluetti’s new Elite 30 V2 288Wh station gets first savings starting from $199, Segway F3 smart eKickScooter $750, NIU e-scooter sale, more

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Bluetti's new Elite 30 V2 288Wh station gets first savings starting from 9, Segway F3 smart eKickScooter 0, NIU e-scooter sale, more

Headlining today’s Green Deals is the first discount hitting Bluetti’s new Elite 30 V2 Portable Power Station, which also has an additional solar bundle offer starting from $199. We also spotted the first post-tariff discount from Segway on its new Ninebot F3 Electric KickScooter to $750, as well as NIU’s Fan-tastic Day Sale that is taking up to 42% off its KQi lineup of scooters, including the KQi 300X All-Terrain Suspension Electric Scooter that is back at the best price of 2025 for $750, among others. We also have a new low price on Greenworks’ 82V Commercial 20-inch Cordless Chainsaw kit and a one-day-only discount on Worx’s 12A 7.5-inch Edger/Trencher, and more waiting for you below. Plus, all the hangover savings are at the bottom of the page, like yesterday’s Anker SOLIX Summer Power Sale offers, Ride1Up’s increased e-bike savings, and more.

Head below for other New Green Deals we’ve found today and, of course, Electrek’s best EV buying and leasing deals. Also, check out the new Electrek Tesla Shop for the best deals on Tesla accessories.

Get up to $200 in first savings on Bluetti’s new Elite 30 V2 portable 288Wh LiFePO4 power station starting from $199

Back on Friday, Bluetti launched its new Apex 300 Versatile Power Station with up to $3,150 in exclusive savings that has had fans of the brand buzzing, while also eclipsing another new and more compact release. Now, with its latest Solar Generator Sale, Bluetti is cutting the cost on its Elite 30 V2 Portable Power Station to $199 shipped, with that price matching at Amazon for Prime members, bringing it down from the $299 price tag. It just hit the market at the top of the month, but as I said, its release was overshadowed by the larger and more expansive Apex 300 unit and its bundles. You can score a $100 markdown now, though, which sets the bar for future discounts, with a solar bundle option for this model that tacks on a 100W panel for $398 shipped, down from $598.

While larger solar generator setups can help through many situations, more and more people are finding convenience in owning smaller backup power solutions, especially here in NYC, with many folks having limited space to keep them. That’s where units like Bluetti’s Elite 30 V2 Portable Power Station come in, which offers a 288Wh LiFePO4 capacity to cover personal device charging with 600W of steady output that can ramp as high as 1,500W.

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Bluetti’s Elite 30 V2 power station has nine different port options to cover all the bases: two AC outlets, two USB-C ports, two USB-A ports, two DC ports, and a car port. It even beats out many counterparts/competitors of the same size range with five ways to recharge its battery: via a standard outlet, utilizing up to a max 200W solar input, using both an outlet and solar panels together, connecting a generator, or using your car’s auxiliary port.

You can get the full rundown on Bluetti’s other new and more expansive release, the Apex 300 Versatile Power Station with up to $3,150 in exclusive savings across several bundle options – all starting from $1,439.

man riding down street on Segway Ninebot F3 Electric KickScooter

Segway’s Ninebot F3 smart eKickScooter with Apple Find My + proximity locking gets first post-tariff cut to $750

Segway is offering a special promotional discount through August 17 on its new Ninebot F3 Electric KickScooter at $749.99 shippedafter using the code F3AUG100OFF at checkout, which beats out Amazon’s pricing by $50.This model launched back in April carrying a $850 original price tag (which Amazon still keeps it listed for) and has since hiked up to a $1,000 MSRP direct from the brand after May’s tariff hikes. The two pre-tariff discounts we saw took the costs down to $700 and $600 back in April, and while it may not be falling that low any anytime soon again, you’re still looking at a solid $100 savings from its starting rate for the third-lowest price we have tracked.

If you want to learn more about this model, be sure to check out our original coverage of this ongoing deal here.

man standing on NIU KQi 300X all-terrain suspension electric scooter

NIU drops the KQi 300X all-terrain e-scooter with a 37-mile range and regen brakes to $750 in latest sale

NIU has launched its Fan-tastic Day Sale through August 17 that is taking up to 42% off its KQi e-scooter lineup. Some of the brand’s models are still out of stock from last month, but among those still available, we spotted the KQi 300X All-Terrain Suspension Electric Scooter at $749.99 shipped, while also matching in price at Amazon. While it carries a $1,299 MSRP normally, at Amazon we’ve been seeing it mostly staying between $1,049 and $1,198, with discounts having been slowly ramping up over the course of the year. You’re looking at the best price of 2025, which saves you $549 off the MSRP and has only been beaten out by the $731 low we last saw pop up in October 2024.

If you want to learn more about this model or the other e-scooter deals, be sure to check out our original coverage of this sale here.

man uses Greenworks 82V 20-inch cordless chainsaw to fell tree

Add commercial-grade power to your arsenal with Greenworks’ 82V 20-inch cordless chainsaw at a new $430 low

Amazon is now offering the Greenworks Commercial 82V 20-inch Cordless Chainsaw for $429.99 shipped. While it carries a $600 MSRP tag directly from the brand, where it’s currently priced at, we’ve seen it keep lower to $500 at Amazon. It’s been on the market for six months now, with the discounts we’ve spotted only taken the costs down to $450 until today. Now, with the 20% markdown here, you’ll save $70 while equipping your arsenal with commercial-grade power.

If you want to learn more about this commercial-grade chainsaw, be sure to check out our original coverage of this deal here.

Worx's 12A 7.5-inch Lawn Edger/Trencher creating perfect line into lawn

Keep uniform lines around yard and gardens with Worx’s 12A 7.5-inch edger/trencher at $90 (Today only)

As part of its Deals of the Day, Best Buy is offering the Worx 12A 7.5-inch Edger/Trencher for $89.99 shipped, with this model being out of stock on Amazon and sitting at a higher $140 MSRP directly from Worx’s website. It normally fetches $130 at full price here, with discounts mostly keeping the costs between $110 and $100 during 2025, though we have seen it go as low as $75 during Prime Day. You’re looking at the fourth-lowest overall price that we have tracked and the third-lowest of the year, with the deal today saving you $40 off the going rate for the rest of the day only.

If you want to learn more about this edger/trencher, be sure to check out our original coverage of this one-day-only deal here.

Best Summer EV deals!

Best new Green Deals landing this week

The savings this week are also continuing to a collection of other markdowns. To the same tune as the offers above, these all help you take a more energy-conscious approach to your routine. Winter means you can lock in even better off-season price cuts on electric tools for the lawn while saving on EVs and tons of other gear.

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Ford officially opens its new EV design center where its midsize electric pickup will come to life

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Ford officially opens its new EV design center where its midsize electric pickup will come to life

Ford’s secret “skunkworks” team in California is no longer a secret and has grown significantly over the past year. Filled with former Tesla, Rivian, and Apple engineers, Ford has given the team a new, two-building EV design center to develop its upcoming lower-cost, midsize models.

Ford opens its new EV Design Center in Long Beach

The new campus in Long Beach, California, officially opened its doors on Tuesday. Ford told reporters that the new 250,000-square-foot site will become the company’s main design and innovation hub in Southern California.

Although the facility was built 95 years ago to expand production of Ford’s first vehicle, the Model A, it was later converted for military use during World War II.

Now, it will be used to shape the future of Ford. Ann Diep, a senior technical program manager at Ford, said the company will “develop a new generation of electric vehicles people are going to love” at the facility.

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After nearly a decade of launching products for Apple, Diep is now tasked with developing Ford’s new lineup of electric vehicles.

The team is led by Alan Clarke, who worked at Tesla for over a decade. Clark’s team comprises former employees from Tesla, Rivian, Lucid, and Apple, creating an EV platform that will power Ford’s upcoming lineup of smaller, more affordable models.

Ford-EV-design-center
Ford opens new EV design center in Long Beach, California (Source: Ford)

Benchmarking EV leaders to cut costs

Last year, Ford’s CEO, Jim Farley, said the team was benchmarking costs “against the best competitors in the world,” in particular, Chinese brands.

According to Farley, the first EV based on the platform will be a midsize electric pickup that will “match the cost structure of Chinese OEMs building in Mexico.” It’s scheduled to launch in 2027. Ford will use LFP batteries to reduce costs, which will be manufactured at its new battery plant in Michigan, but licensed from China’s CATL.

Ford-EV-design-center
2025 Ford F-150 Lightning (Source: Ford)

We learned the platform will support eight different body styles, including trucks, crossovers, SUVs, and possibly sedans.

During a “candid dinner discussion” with lead Bernstein analyst Daniel Roeska in June, Lisa Drake, Ford’s vice president of tech platform programs and EV systems, offered a few insights.

Ford-EV-design-center
Ford Mustang Mach-E (left) and F-150 Lightning (right) (Source: Ford)

Roeska told investors (via Axios) that “Lisa Drake was explicit: Ford intends to match the cost structure of leading Chinese players.” The memo added “that means not just battery pricing, but full system cost from chassis and thermal systems to inverters and electronics.”

Ford will reveal more about its “plans to design and build a breakthrough electric vehicle and platform in the US,” on August 11.

Farley is hyping it up as the company’s next “Model T moment,” adding that it’s “a chance to bring in a new family of vehicles” that will shape the future of Ford.

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Trump global trade deal energy export wins are at odds with domestic shipbuilding reality

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Trump global trade deal energy export wins are at odds with domestic shipbuilding reality

A liquefied natural gas tanker is tugged toward a thermal power station in Futtsu, east of Tokyo.

Issei Kato | Reuters

The Trump administration is touting commitments by foreign nations for future large purchases of U.S. energy as part of recent trade deal frameworks, including with the EU, Indonesia, and South Korea, but a separate recent mandate from the U.S. Trade Representative to promote domestic shipbuilding may stand in the way of making those liquified natural gas shipments reality.

The USTR policy mandates that 1% of U.S. LNG exports be carried on U.S.-flagged ships starting in April 2028, and a year later, 1% needs to be transported on U.S.-built ships. Subsequent annual increases of 1% would reach a total of 15% of U.S. LNG required to be on U.S.-built vessels by 2047.

“The requirement of U.S.-built ships to move the country’s LNG and crude is problematic,” said Jason Feer, global head of business intelligence for Poten & Partners, a company specializing in energy market analysis and consulting, particularly in the LNG sector.

The U.S. government’s new shipbuilding policy was undertaken as part of an investigation into China’s dominance in the shipbuilding industry, as part of the broader national security concerns of the U.S. government (the Biden administration was pursuing the issue as well and released a report in January 2025 stating its recommendations). China manufactures as much as 75%-80% of global freight fleets. In April, Trump announced the new USTR policy to rebuild America’s shipbuilding industry.

On Capitol Hill, Senator Mark Kelly (D-AZ), Senator Todd Young (R-IN), Representative John Garamendi (D-CA-8), and Representative Trent Kelly (R-MS-1) introduced the Shipbuilding and Harbor Infrastructure for Prosperity and Security (SHIPS) for America Act to close the gap with international builders through a series of programs.

There is only one U.S.-flagged LNG vessel currently operating, Crowley’s American Energy, but it was made in France in 1994 and began service in March 2025 to carry LNG from the U.S. Gulf Coast to Puerto Rico. It is a Jones Act vessel, which means that, based on the 1920 maritime commerce law covering shipments between U.S. ports, it needs to be staffed by a U.S. captain and crew, and registered in the U.S., to be U.S.-flagged.

The current number of LNG carriers operating globally is 682, according to Poten & Partners. Only one of those vessels, the LNG Aquarius, was built by the United States. The LNG Aquarius was ordered on July 1, 1974, and delivered by General Dynamics on June 7, 1977. The vessel currently sails under the Indonesian flag, based on MarineTraffic vessel information.

By 2047, Poten & Partner estimates the U.S. would need 45 vessels to move the 15% of LNG required by the USTR guidelines. Currently, there is only one U.S. vessel on the global order books out of a total of 331 planned vessels, Feer said. On paper, he added, the number of LNG vessels on the order books “looks good” to support a U.S. energy export expansion. But under the new USTR guidelines, these vessels would not be eligible.

Hanwha Shipping, a U.S. subsidiary of South Korea’s Hanwha Ocean, is now building a domestic liquefied natural gas carrier through its affiliate, Hanwha Philly Shipyard. This vessel will be the first U.S.-ordered, export market-viable LNG carrier in almost 50 years. A second possible LNG vessel could also be ordered.

Based on the history of LNG shipbuilding, it takes approximately two and a half years for an LNG vessel to be built.

“Globally, you can build a lot of ships to support an expansion, but the problem is it has to be built in a U.S. shipyard, and the U.S. has not built a commercial ocean-going vessel in decades,” said Feer. “In that time, we have lost a lot of shipbuilding capacity, and the yards we have open are used for building Jones Act domestic ships and the Navy.”

Another hurdle, Feer said, is the constraints in hiring skilled labor. “There are not enough craft workers — pipefitters, carpenters, welders. Trying to build all of this, on top of a set deadline, is going to be a huge challenge,” he said.

The costs associated with that skilled labor will also be a factor. It costs around $260 million to build an LNG vessel, according to industry estimates. A U.S.-made vessel can be approximately two to four times more expensive. 

S&P Global: 'No alternative' to China-built ships which control 60% of global shipbuilding capacity

Feer says there needs to be more clarity on what constitutes a U.S.-made vessel within the USTR mandate.

“Could the majority of the vessel be manufactured overseas and completed in the U.S.? Is it a U.S.-made engine? How many of the LNG vessels made by Hanwha would be made in Korea and finished here? It is unclear how feasible the USTR mandate is,” he said.

Louis Sola, former Federal Maritime Commission Commissioner appointed by President Trump, and now a partner at lobbying firm Thorn Run Partners, tells CNBC the math doesn’t work.

“The question everyone is asking is simple,” Sola said. “Can the U.S. actually build enough LNG carriers fast enough under the SHIPS Act without shooting ourselves in the foot? We’ll need as many as 50 vessels by 2050. Korean and Japanese yards already take over two years per ship and are booked solid, and we don’t currently build this class here whatsoever,” he added.

The USTR did not respond to a request for comment.

“Without some common-sense flexibility or a phased-in approach, the math just doesn’t add up. We risk bottling up our own LNG exports and opening the market to the competition right when our allies need American energy the most,” Sola said. 

According to BIMCO, the largest association for global ship owners, U.S. exports comprise up to 27.5% and 9.5% of global LNG and crude tanker demand, respectively. The U.S. predominantly uses South Korean LNG vessels to move the commodity.

Overall, 78% of the LNG fleet is built in South Korea, while 13% and 7% are from Japan and China, respectively, according to BIMCO. South Korean shipyards also dominate the order book, with 64% of capacity on order, but Chinese shipyards are increasingly getting orders and now have 32% of capacity on order.

Reflagging of vessels, USTR mandate waivers

Niels Rasmussen, chief shipping analyst for BIMCO, says one potential workaround is foreign-built ships that can currently be reflagged under specific conditions.

These ships must be owned by U.S. citizens or entities and qualify for one of the following programs: the Maritime Security Program, Cable Security Fleet, Tanker Security Fleet, Voluntary Intermodal Sealift Agreement, or Ready Reserve Fleet. “The SHIPS Act would also permit the reflagging of foreign-built ships for inclusion in the new Strategic Commercial Fleet Program (SCFP) for a seven-year period, which can be extended twice,” said Rasmussen

As U.S.-built and flagged ships become available, they will replace foreign-built ships in the 250-ship SCFP fleet. However, foreign-built LNG tankers in the SCFP fleet would seemingly not satisfy USTR LNG export and would require a waiver to be able to export LNG, he said.

According to shipping consultant Clarkson’s, 2025 will see a record delivery of LNG vessels.

In addition to South Korea’s lead position in ship orders, Swiss marine engine company WinGD has the most popular engine, and French engineering company Gaztransport & Technigaz, which specializes in membrane containment systems for liquefied natural gas (LNG) and other cryogenic gases, is the dominant containment system being used in the new vessels.

The U.S. may have to fall back on a waiver provision in the USTR mandate, according to energy experts.

The waiver provision, if used, would increase the cost of vessel components by 25%, but may be the best option relative to an unreasonable delay in ship availability, said Andrew Lipow, president of Lipow Oil Associates.

Lipow said if there are not enough LNG vessels, a situation which could impact LNG production and crude production, the use of waivers would need to be considered.

“Oil wells also produce some associated natural gas with it so this can also impact U.S. oil production,” said Lipow. “The administration will not want to put the country in a situation where they would have to shut in production. If the markets are fearful that the U.S. does not have the ability to export LNG, prices could go down, and that would most likely lead to a waiver,” he added.

Lipow noted that the use of waivers has been seen before in Jones Act vessels, so a foreign-flag vessel could transport U.S. gasoline between two U.S. ports. “There is precedent for waivers on foreign-flag vessels to mitigate supply disruptions,” he said.

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