It is one of the great set-piece moments in the US industrial calendar.
At the start of pay negotiations, which take place every four years ahead of the expiry of existing contracts in September, the leaders of the big three US carmakers traditionally shake hands in front of the cameras with the leader of the United Auto Workers (UAW) union.
The tradition goes back almost a century: Wayne State University in Detroit, America’s car-making capital, has unearthed photographs dating back to the 1930s showing the UAW leaders of the time shaking hands with a leader from Ford, Chrysler or General Motors.
Image: The then UAW president Ron Gettelfinger and Ford president Alan Mulally take part in the ceremonial handshake in 2007
This was the precursor to another established tradition under which the UAW would select a lead company with which to negotiate. Then, once a deal had been struck, the other carmakers would follow the first company’s lead in a process known as ‘pattern bargaining’.
So it was a seismic moment when, in July this year, the UAW’s new president, Shawn Fain, declined to take part in the handshake.
Instead, he held what were described as a “member’s handshake”, during which he met with workers at the big three (Chrysler is now owned by Stellantis, also the parent company of European carmakers Peugeot and Fiat) as they came off their shifts.
It was intended to lay down a marker to the carmakers that this was a very different UAW leadership.
Mr Fain, 54, was narrowly elected president of the UAW in March this year on a platform of promising a tougher approach to pay negotiations.
His victory, over the existing president Ray Curry, was historic in that it was the first in which the president, and other leading officials, were chosen by a direct ballot of members rather than in a proverbial smoke-filled room in which delegates chose the leadership.
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Image: Shawn Fain, pictured in July, shaking hands with members outside a Ford assembly plant in Michigan
Mr Fain, in winning, toppled a faction of the union that had controlled it for decades.
On being elected, Mr Fain – who began his career as an electrician with Chrysler – immediately served notice on the carmakers that he did not intend this to be business as usual, declaring: “We’re here to come together to ready ourselves for the war against our one and only true enemy: multibillion corporations and employers that refuse to give our members their fair share. It’s a new day in the UAW.”
If that didn’t make the carmakers sit up and take note, Mr Fain’s refusal to take part in the traditional handshake did, as he told the union’s 389,000 members on his social media feed: “I’m not shaking hands with any CEOs until they do right by our members, and we fix the broken status quo with the big three. The members have to come first.”
For good measure, he very publicly threw a Stellantis pay offer in a bin.
Mr Fain’s approach is making waves on Wall Street.
There are real concerns that Mr Fain – who carries around with him one of his grandfather’s payslips from Chrysler in 1940 – will bring out his members at all three carmakers if a deal is not reached by the time the existing contracts expire on 14 September. Such action would be unprecedented.
Members at the three have voted for strike action in the event of negotiations breaking down, by an average of 97%.
Strikes would cause immense disruption at a time when the carmakers are having to invest billions in electrification while trying to cut their costs in response to inflation.
Yet, with Wall Street putting the odds of strike action at the big three as better than events, the two sides look set for collision.
The UAW is not only seeking to restore past benefits lost in previous pay negotiations, but also to cut the working week to 32 hours.
It is also seeking a significant pay rise, the extent of which it has not made public, but which has been reported by the Wall Street Journal as 46%.
That would severely hobble the big three’s competitiveness against foreign rivals, from Germany and Japan – which tend to have less union representation in their workforces, as well as the likes of non-unionised Tesla.
Some 150,000 of the UAW’s members work for Ford, GM and Stellantis but strikes at all three would be huge because the union has traditionally singled out an individual carmaker for strike action rather than attacking several targets at once. It would also be a risk.
The union has a strike fund of $900m (£716m) – half of which would be eaten by a six-week stoppage in which striking members at the big three were each paid $500 (£398) a week.
That is why it has been suggested that Mr Fain may adopt another tactic, bringing out its members at the car parts makers instead, in time depriving the big three of components and forcing them to temporarily close plants while still having to pay workers.
Image: UAW President Shawn Fain
That, though, would also be a risk for the UAW, as it is not nearly as well represented among the parts makers.
Mr Fain’s election is not just rattling Wall Street – but also in Washington. Mr Fain has refused to say whether the union will endorse and provide support to Joe Biden as he seeks re-election to the White House next year.
He told the Boston Globe at the weekend: “I’ve tried to be clear with people: The days of us just freely giving endorsements are over. Our endorsements have to be earned.”
Those comments speak to his unease that, as the Biden administration offers huge subsidies to businesses involved in the transition to net zero, it is not doing so with sufficient protection for carmakers.
He was particularly unhappy at a $9.2bn (£7.3bn) loan awarded by the Biden administration in June to a joint venture between Ford and a South Korean company to build three battery factories in Kentucky and Tennessee.
Mr Fain felt the loan should have come with strings attached on wages and working conditions.
He told the Globe: “We support a green economy. We have to have clean air, clean water, but this transition has to be a just transition. Workers can’t be left behind.”
Mr Fain’s election must also be seen in the context of changing circumstances in America’s unions.
The powerful Teamsters union, like the UAW, has also jettisoned the ruling faction that has run it for decades in favour of more radical leadership. Its aggressive stance is credited with having won it a pay deal with United Parcel Services reckoned to be the most generous in the company’s history.
Part-time workers at UPS were awarded a reported 50% pay rise while other concessions agreed by the company included a promise to instal air conditioning in all of its trucks.
Mr Fain is clearly optimistic that he has the wind to his back and can secure similar wins for his members. If he succeeds, other union leaders will be taking note.
It is why the month of September promises to be a momentous one for US industry.
Inflation fell more than expected and for the second month in a row, official figures show.
The consumer price index (CPI) measure of inflation fell to 2.6% in March, down from 2.8% in February and 3% in January, according to Office for National Statistics (ONS) data.
It means prices are rising at the slowest pace since December and closest to the Bank of England’s 2% target.
The rate is also lower than expected by economists polled by Reuters, who anticipated inflation of 2.7%.
But the drop is likely to be short-lived as a raft of bill rises kicked in at the start of April.
Energy, water, and council tax bills rose throughout the UK at the start of this month.
Why did inflation fall?
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It was a fall in fuel costs, thanks to lower oil prices that led to the surprise drop, combined with the unchanged food price rise.
The price of games, toys and hobbies, as well as data processing equipment, all fell.
These drops counteracted a “strong” rise in the price of clothes, the ONS said.
The late timing of Easter also meant comparing March 2024 – as the ONS does with its annual inflation rise figure – with March 2025 isn’t comparing like with like.
Easter and the associated school break bring things like higher airfares and hotel costs, something that was not seen last month as the feast takes place in April this year.
What does this mean for interest rates?
All measures of inflation fell, in a boost to the Bank of England as they mull interest rate cuts.
A key way of assessing price rises, core inflation, which excludes volatile price items like fuel and food, dropped to 3.4%.
It’s closely watched by the rate setters at the Bank of England, who meet next month and are widely expected to make borrowing less expensive by bringing interest rates down to 4.25%.
Another important measure – services inflation – dropped to 4.7% from 5% in February. As a predominantly services-based economy, a drop in that rate is good news for central bankers and households.
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Inflation data, combined with the fact job vacancies are at pre-pandemic levels for the first time since 2021, has meant traders are now expecting four interest rate cuts this year, which would bring the base interest rate to 3.5% by December.
Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds has said it is “likely” that British Steel will be nationalised.
However he also stressed the importance of finding a private sector partner for the business because the scale of capital required for steel transformation was “very significant, even with government support”.
Mr Reynolds, speaking to reporters in the Lincolnshire town after raw materials arrived to keep the site running, said that nationalisation was the “likely option at this stage”.
He added: “What we are now going to do, having secured both control of the site and the supply of raw materials, so the blast furnaces won’t close in a matter of days, is work on the future.
“We’ve got the ownership question, which is pressing.
“I was clear when I gave the speech in parliament – we know there is a limited lifespan of the blast furnaces, and we know that what we need for the future is a private sector partner to come in and work with us on that transformation and co-fund that transformation.”
The government passed emergency legislation on Saturday to take over British Steel’s Scunthorpe plant, the last in the UK capable of producing virgin steel, after talks with its Chinese owners, Jingye, broke down.
The company recently cancelled orders for supplies of the raw materials needed to keep the blast furnaces running, sparking a race against time to keep it operational.
While those materials have been secured, questions remain about the long-term future of British Steel and whether it will be fully nationalised or the private sector will get involved.
Reynolds rows back
Mr Reynolds earlier said he would look at Chinese firms “in a different way” following the rowbut did not rule out their involvement completely.
He previously told Sky News’ Sunday Morning With Trevor Phillips,that he would not “personally bring a Chinese company into our steel sector” again, describing steel as a “sensitive area” in the UK.
However, industry minister Sarah Jones took a different position on Tuesday morning, telling Sky News she is “not ruling out” the possibility of another Chinese partner.
She said having a pragmatic relationship with Beijing, the world’s second-biggest economy, is still important and stringent tests would apply “to a Chinese company as they would to any other company”.
Asked for clarity on his position during a visit to the port of Immingham, where materials from two ships were being unloaded and transported to the plant, Mr Reynolds said: “I think we’ve got to recognise that steel is a sensitive sector.
“A lot of the issues in the global economy with steel come from production and dumping of steel products… so I think you would look at a Chinese firm in a different way.
“But I’m really keen to stress the action we’ve taken here was to step in because it was one specific company that I thought wasn’t acting in the UK’s national interest, and we had to take the action we did.”
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The materials that arrived on Tuesday, including coking coal and iron, are enough to keep the furnaces running for weeks, the Department for Business and Trade said.
They are needed because if the furnaces cool down too much, the molten iron solidifies and blocks the furnaces, making it extremely difficult and expensive to restart them.
Switching off furnaces is a costly nightmare the govt wants to avoid
There’s no switch that easily turns a blast furnace on and off.
Temperatures inside can approach 2,000C and to protect the structure the interior is lined with ceramic insulation.
But the ceramic bricks expand and contract depending on the temperature, and any change needs to be done carefully over several weeks to stop them cracking.
Molten material inside the furnace also needs to be drained by drilling a hole through the wall of the furnace.
It’s a dangerous and expensive process, normally only ever done when there’s a major planned refurbishment.
That’s why the government wants to keep the furnaces at Scunthorpe burning.
The problem is, supplies for the furnaces are running low.
They need pellets of iron ore – the main raw material for making steel.
And they also need a processed form of coal called coke – the fuel that provides both the heat and the chemical reaction to purify the iron so it’s ready to make strong steel alloy.
Without a fresh supply of both the furnaces may have to be turned off in just a fortnight. And that would be a complex, costly nightmare the government wants to avoid.
‘Chinese ownership truly dreadful’
Opposition politicians have accused China of sabotage to increase reliance on its steel products, and want the country to be prevented from future dealings not only with steel but any UK national infrastructure.
Veteran Tory MP Sir Iain Duncan Smith said the government needs to define which industries are “strategic” – and prevent China from being allowed to invest in such sectors.
Liberal Democrats foreign affairs spokesperson Calum Miller said reverting to Chinese ownership would be like finding “your house ransacked and then leaving your doors unlocked”.
Image: Raw materials for the Scunthorpe steel plant
Image: Coking coal is unloaded at Immingham Port. Pic: Reuters
Reform UK leader Nigel Farage took the same position, saying the thought the government “could even contemplate another Chinese owner of British steel is truly dreadful”, and that he would not have China “in our nuclear program, anywhere near our telecoms or anything else”.
“They are not our friends,” he added.
Number 10 said on Monday that it was not aware of any “sabotage” at the plant and there is no block on Chinese companies.
The Chinese embassy has urged the British government not to “politicise” the situation by “linking it to security issues”, saying it is “an objective fact that British steel companies have generally encountered difficulties in recent years”.
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Jingye reported losses of around £700k a day at Scunthorpe, which will now come at a cost to the taxpayer.
During Tuesday morning’s interview round, Ms Jones said the government had offered Jingye money in return for investment and “we think that there is a model there that we could replicate with another private sector company”.
But she said there “isn’t another private sector company there waiting in the wings” currently, and that it may be a “national solution” that is needed.
She said “all of the options” were expensive but that it would have cost more to the taxpayer to allow the site to shut.
A YouGov poll shows the majority of the public (61%) support the government’s decision to nationalise British Steel.
A former executive at DAZN, the sports streaming platform, is to be appointed this week as the next chairman of Playtech, the London-listed gambling technology group.
Sky News has learnt that Playtech will announce on Wednesday that John Gleasure, who was also a co-founder of the digital sports media group Perform, is to succeed Brian Mattingley in the role.
In accepting the Playtech chairmanship, Mr Gleasure will inherit a position which has repeatedly been at the centre of fractious corporate governance challenges.
Mr Mattingley, who has held the role since 2021, has overseen a frenetic period of corporate activity while also finding himself in the eye of a series of storms with shareholders over boardroom pay.
The most recent of those came in December when close to a third of investors rebelled over a €100m bonus plan for Mor Weizer, the company’s chief executive, along with other senior executives.
Shareholders give Mr Mattingley credit, however, for helping to navigate the company through a challenging period in the gambling industry, in particular his role last year in securing the sale of Snaitech, its Italian consumer gambling arm, for €2.3bn.
That deal, which received regulatory approval last week, represented a near-threefold return on Playtech’s initial investment and will trigger a special dividend worth up to €1.8bn (£1.5bn), to be paid in June.
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The sale of Snaitech will transform Playtech into a pure-play business-to-business operation.
Many analysts believe the remaining company will rapidly become a takeover target.
A source close to Playtech pointed out that shares in the company had risen nearly 60% during Mr Mattingley’s tenure.
Mr Gleasure, who will succeed Mr Mattingley as chairman after Playtech’s annual meeting next month, has also held roles at Sky Sports, which shares a parent company with Sky News, Hutchison 3G and Sony Pictures.
He continues to sit on the board of DAZN Group and is executive chairman of The Sporting News, a digital publisher in which Playtech acquired a minority interest in 2023.
Egon Zehnder International, the boardroom headhunter, has been overseeing the search for Mr Mattingley’s successor.
A Playtech spokesperson declined to comment on Tuesday.