Never were the divides in the Conservative Party more stark than in the Brexit years.
Whether it was Leave campaigners demanding to exit the bloc on their terms, or Remain backers calling for a second referendum, the drama within the ranks was laid bare for all to see.
Parliament may have moved on from those tempestuous days but it hasn’t stopped the Tories finding new dividing lines, and the incumbent of Number 10 being pulled in numerous directions to keep their colleagues on side.
We take a look at the current factions in the party and what they want from Rishi Sunak.
New Conservatives
The newest kids on the block, this group is made up of 25 Tory backbenchers predominantly from so-called “Red Wall” seats that the party won from Labour in recent elections.
All of the members only entered parliament after 2016 – since the Brexit referendum took place – and say they are determined to focus the party on delivering on the 2019 manifesto, where Boris Johnson won a significant majority on his promises to “get Brexit done” and “level up” the country.
But one of its missions is to develop ideas for the upcoming manifesto, so you can expect to hear more from them.
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Its co-chairs are MPs Miriam Cates and Danny Kruger.
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1:37
Who are the New Conservatives?
Northern Research Group
Perhaps the precursor to the New Conservatives, this faction was also born from the 2019 election victories in the Red Wall, promising to focus on the interests of the towns and cities that make up the Tories’ “Northern Powerhouse”.
With around 55 MPs from the north of England, Scottish borders and North Wales – led by the now-former chairman of the party, Sir Jake Berry – the group has expanded its remit somewhat, speaking out against COVID lockdowns and business taxes, as well as pushing for its core goals around devolution, transport and investment.
It also holds a conference every year, attracting senior members of government to speak and attempt to keep the powerful bloc onside.
Image: Sir Jake Berry served as party chairman under Liz Truss
Net Zero Scrutiny Group/Conservative Environment Network
Climate policies have been a central bone of contention for Tory MPs in recent months – especially after the party managed to cling onto Mr Johnson’s former seat of Uxbridge and South Ruislip in a by-election by focusing on residents’ anger of the expansion of London’s Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ).
The victory saw a number of the party’s green policies brought into question, with Mr Sunak pledging to only roll them out in a “proportionate and pragmatic way” and watering down a number of promises.
But the legal obligation to hit net zero by 2050 – a law brought in by the Conservatives – has long caused rows, with two groups being formed to represent both sides of the argument.
Image: Chris Skidmore (L) and Craig Mackinlay (R) chair opposing groups when it comes to net zero
The Net Zero Scrutiny Group insists it is not climate sceptic, but instead says government policies have gone too far, too fast, contributing to the cost of living crisis.
The group of 50 or so MPs and peers – led by former UKIP deputy leader Craig Mackinlay – wants green levies to be scrapped, saying they are hitting the poorest the hardest, and wants the government to ramp up fossil fuel production at home.
On the other hand, there is the Conservative Environment Network (CEN), which claims to have over 130 MPs and peers backing its mission to “champion greater environmental action in parliament”.
They say Conservative voters don’t want to see a row about whether net zero is worth it or not, but a debate on the right policies to achieve it.
A smaller faction echoing the sentiments of the CEN is led by Tory MP Chris Skidmore and is known as the Net Zero Support Group, which aims to “demonstrate and maintain Conservative support for net zero carbon emissions and policies needed to deliver this”.
Another hot topic within Conservative ranks is the best way to approach China, and this group was set up to amplify that debate.
It was co-founded and chaired by the now security minister Tom Tugendhat – an outspoken critic of the country, who has highlighted the dangers of its technological influence, its human rights record, and its ongoing sanctioning of UK politicians.
While its former chair now finds himself on the frontbench, the voices calling for tougher action on Beijing are growing and questioning the current administration’s desire to engage with China, rather than calling it out for being a threat.
Foreign Affairs Committee chair Alicia Kearns now leads the group.
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‘Your backbenchers pulled you back’
Common Sense Group
This collective of around 50 MPs and peers says it “stands for authentic conservatism”, with many of the issues they focus on falling squarely into the culture wars category.
From slamming the National Trust for publicising Winston Churchill’s family links to slavery, to attacking Black Lives Matter and Extinction Rebellion as “subversives fuelled by ignorance”, the group – led by veteran backbencher Sir John Hayes – calls on the government to “reflect the will of the people, rather than pandering to the peculiar preoccupations of the liberal elite and the distorted priorities of left-wing activists”.
They have published their own set of essays to highlight their concerns, with titles including, “The judicial activists threatening our democracy”, “Taking politics out of policing”, and “The case for strengthening families”.
Image: Sir John Hayes leads the group that focuses on culture war issues
Conservative Growth Group
This faction came to life after the short-lived premiership of Liz Truss, who was ousted from Number 10 after just 49 days following her disastrous mini-budget.
But while the party may have pushed for her undoing, her approach to tearing up the “economic orthodoxy” of the Treasury still garners the support of a number of backbenchers – especially those who enjoyed equally short-lived ministerial careers while she was in office.
There are only thought to be around 20 members in the group, including Ms Truss herself, but they are pushing for popular policies in the party, such as tax cuts and deregulation, as the best way for growing the British economy.
It is chaired by Ranil Jayawardena, who was environment secretary when Ms Truss was prime minister.
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Truss ‘tried to fatten and slaughter the pig’
Conservative Democratic Organisation
This is another group formed after Ms Truss’ exit, but with fierce loyalty to her predecessor, Mr Johnson.
The CDO were furious with how Mr Sunak had been chosen as the new leader – without a vote of the membership – calling it “undemocratic”, and promised to “take back control” of the party with its grassroots movement.
But it is not just leadership elections it wants to influence. The organisation hopes to “steer [the Tories’] political direction back to the centre-right”, with specific calls for tax cuts and attacks on the current PM for failing to provide them.
Key figures include billionaire Conservative donor Lord Cruddas, the party’s former treasurer, and key Johnson ally and former home secretary Priti Patel.
They have already held a conference, with other Johnson backers like Nadine Dorries and Jacob Rees-Mogg attending to give speeches.
Image: Priti Patel is one of the members spearheading the group
European Research Group
A gang of Tory MPs who became household names during Brexit, the ERG may not dominate the headlines anymore, but they still hold a powerful position within the party.
The Eurosceptic group is currently chaired by Mark Francois, but saw many of its members promoted to ministerial positions after Boris Johnson came to power – including Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg, Suella Braverman and Steve Baker.
Its last appearance in the headlines came during Mr Sunak’s negotiations on the Windsor Framework – a renegotiated post-Brexit plan aiming to tackle the impact of leaving the EU on Northern Ireland – where they called key elements of the deal “practically useless”.
But with an election looming, and issues around cooperation with Europe already getting a lot of focus, the group could come to prominence again.
Image: Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg used to chair the ERG before he was made a minister by Boris Johnson
Tory Reform Group
In stark contrast to the ERG, this group – established back in 1975 – promotes the One Nation Conservative ideology, a more centrist approach to both the economy and social policy.
Despite dominating the party during the David Cameron years, many of the One Nation group fell out of favour during the tumultuous Brexit debate due to their support for Remain, with Mr Johnson kicking a number of them out of the party for failing to back his exit plans.
But while they may have been in the shadows in recent years, there are still 100 members in parliament – with some former figures, such as Alex Chalk and Gillian Keegan, making it onto the frontbench – and they are starting to peek out above the parapet again.
Image: Before Brexit, One Nation Tories were an influential force in the party – especially under David Cameron and George Osborne
Recent issues being raised have included a call to focus on policies for winning back younger voters – such as rental reform and childcare – and appealing against leaving the European Convention on Human Rights.
And much like the ERG, these voices could become louder as the election campaign intensifies.
The Bank of France’s governor called for crypto oversight to be given to the European Securities and Markets Authority, and for tightening MiCA’s rules on stablecoin issuance.
There’s no question that Kemi Badenoch’s on the ropes after a low-energy first year as leader that has seen the Conservative Party slide backwards by pretty much every metric.
But on Wednesday, the embattled leader came out swinging with a show-stopping pledge to scrap stamp duty, which left the hall delirious. “I thought you’d like that one,” she said with a laugh as party members cheered her on.
A genuine surprise announcement – many in the shadow cabinet weren’t even told – it gave the Conservatives and their leader a much-needed lift after what many have dubbed the lost year.
Image: Ms Badenoch with her husband, Hamish. Pic: PA
Ms Badenoch tried to answer that criticism this week with a policy blitz, headlined by her promise on stamp duty.
This is a leader giving her party some red meat to try to help her party at least get a hearing from the public, with pledges on welfare, immigration, tax cuts and policing.
In all of it, a tacit admission from Ms Badenoch and her team that as politics speeds up, they have not kept pace, letting Reform UK and Nigel Farage run ahead of them and grab the microphone by getting ahead of the Conservatives on scrapping net zero targets or leaving the ECHR in order to deport illegal migrants more easily.
Ms Badenoch is now trying to answer those criticisms and act.
At the heart of her offer is £47bn of spending cuts in order to pay down the nation’s debt pile and fund tax cuts such as stamp duty.
All of it is designed to try to restore the party’s reputation for economic competence, against a Labour Party of tax rises and a growing debt burden and a Reform party peddling “fantasy economics”.
She needs to do something, and fast. A YouGov poll released on the eve of her speech put the Conservatives joint third in the polls with the Lib Dems on 17%.
That’s 10 percentage points lower than when Ms Badenoch took power just under a year ago. The crisis, mutter her colleagues, is existential. One shadow cabinet minister lamented to me this week that they thought it was “50-50” as to whether the party can survive.
Image: (L-R) Shadow business secretary Andrew Griffith, shadow environment secretary Victoria Atkins and shadow housing secretary Sir James Cleverly. Pic: PA
Ms Badenoch had to do two things in her speech on Wednesday: the first was to try to reassert her authority over her party. The second was to get a bit of attention from the public with a set of policies that might encourage disaffected Tories to look at her party again.
On the first point, even her critics would have to agree that she had a successful conference and has given herself a bit of space from the constant chatter about her leadership with a headline-grabbing policy that could give her party some much-needed momentum.
On the second, the promise of spending control coupled with a retail offer of tax cuts does carve out a space against the Labour government and Reform.
But the memory of Liz Truss’s disastrous mini-Budget, the chaos of Boris Johnson’s premiership, and the failure of Sunak to cut NHS waiting lists or tackle immigration still weigh on the Conservative brand.
Ms Badenoch might have revived the room with her speech, but whether that translates into a wider revival around the country is very hard to read.
Ms Badenoch leaves Manchester knowing she pulled off her first conference speech as party leader: what she will be less sure about is whether it will be her last.
I thought she tacitly admitted that to me when she pointedly avoided answering the question of whether she would resign if the party goes backwards further in the English council, Scottish parliament and Welsh Senedd elections next year.
“Let’s see what the election result is about,” was her reply.
That is what many in her party are saying too, because if Ms Badenoch cannot show progress after 18 months in office, she might see her party turn to someone else.