Published
2 years agoon
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adminA crucial new phase in the political struggle over abortion rights is unfolding in suburban neighborhoods across Virginia.
An array of closely divided suburban and exurban districts around the state will decide which party controls the Virginia state legislature after next months election, and whether Republicans here succeed in an ambitious attempt to reframe the politics of abortion rights that could reverberate across the nation.
After the Supreme Court overturned the nationwide right to abortion in 2022, the issue played a central role in blunting the widely anticipated Republican red wave in last Novembers midterm elections. Republican governors and legislators who passed abortion restrictions in GOP-leaning states such as Florida, Texas, Ohio, and Iowa did not face any meaningful backlash from voters, as Ive written. But plans to retrench abortion rights did prove a huge hurdle last year for Republican candidates who lost gubernatorial and Senate races in Democratic-leaning and swing states such as Colorado, Washington, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Arizona.
Now Virginia Republicans, led by Governor Glenn Youngkin, are attempting to formulate a position that they believe will prove more palatable to voters outside the red heartland. In the current legislative session, Youngkin and the Republicans, who hold a narrow majority in the state House of Delegates, attempted to pass a 15-week limit on legal abortion, with exceptions thereafter for rape, incest, and threats to the life of the mother. But they were blocked by Democrats, who hold a slim majority in the state Senate.
Read: Abortion is inflaming the GOPs biggest electoral problem
With every seat in both chambers on the ballot in November, Youngkin and the Republicans have made clear that if they win unified control of the legislature, they will move to impose that 15-week limit. Currently, abortion in Virginia is legal through the second trimester of pregnancy, which is about 26 weeks; it is the only southern state that has not rolled back abortion rights since last years Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade.
Virginia Republicans maintain that the 15-week limit, with exceptions, represents a consensus position that most voters will accept, even in a state that has steadily trended toward Democrats in federal races over the past two decades. (President Joe Biden carried the state over Donald Trump by about 450,000 votes.) When you talk about 15 weeks with exceptions, it is seen as very reasonable, Zack Roday, the director of the Republican coordinated campaign effort, told me.
If Youngkin and the GOP win control of both legislative chambers next month behind that message, other Republicans outside the core red states are virtually certain to adopt their approach to abortion. Success for the Virginia GOP could also encourage the national Republican Party to coalesce behind a 15-week federal ban with exceptions.
Candidates across this country should take note of how Republicans in Virginia are leading on the issue of life by going on offense and exposing the lefts radical abortion agenda, Kelsey Pritchard, the director of state public affairs at the anti-abortion group Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, told me in an email.
But if Republicans fail to win unified control in Virginia, it could signal that almost any proposal to retrench abortion rights faces intractable resistance in states beyond the red heartland. I think what Youngkin is trying to sell is going to be rejected by voters, Ryan Stitzlein, the vice president of political and government relations at the advocacy group Reproductive Freedom for All, told me. There is no such thing as a consensus ban. Its a nonsensical phrase. The fact of the matter is, Virginians do not want an abortion ban.
These dynamics were all on display when the Democratic legislative candidates Joel Griffin and Joshua Cole spent one morning last weekend canvassing for votes. Griffin is the Democratic nominee for the Virginia state Senate and Cole is the nominee for the state House of Delegates, in overlapping districts centered on Fredericksburg, a small, picturesque city about an hour south of Washington, D.C. They devoted a few hours to knocking on doors together in the Clearview Heights neighborhood, just outside the city, walking up long driveways and chatting with homeowners out working in their yards.
Their message focused on one issue above all: preserving legal access to abortion. Earlier that morning, Griffin had summarized their case to about two dozen volunteers whod gathered at a local campaign office to join the canvassing effort. Make no mistake, he told them. Your rights are on the ballot.
The districts where Griffin, a business owner and former Marine, and Cole, a pastor and former member of the state House of Delegates, are running have become highly contested political ground. Each district comfortably backed Biden in 2020 before flipping to support Youngkin in 2021 and then tilting back to favor Democratic U.S. Representative Abigail Spanberger in the 2022 congressional election.
The zigzagging voting pattern in these districts is typical of the seats that will decide control of the legislature. The University of Virginias Center for Politics calculates that all 10 of the 100 House seats, and all six of the 40 Senate districts, that are considered most competitive voted for Biden in 2020, but that nearly two-thirds of them switched to Youngkin a year later.
These districts are mostly in suburban and exurban areas, especially in Richmond and in Northern Virginia, near D.C., notes Kyle Kondik, the managing editor of the centers political newsletter, Sabatos Crystal Ball. In that way, they are typical of the mostly college-educated suburbs that have steadily trended blue in the Trump era.
Such places have continued to break sharply toward Democrats in other elections this year that revolved around abortion, particularly the Wisconsin State Supreme Court election won by the liberal candidate in a landslide this spring, and an Ohio ballot initiative carried comfortably by abortion-rights forces in August. In special state legislative elections around the country this year, Democrats have also consistently run ahead of Bidens 2020 performance in the same districts.
Theres this idea that Democrats are maybe focusing too much on abortion, but weve got a lot of data and a lot of information from this years elections signaling that the issue remains powerful, Heather Williams, the interim president of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, told me.
Virginia Republicans arent betting only on their reformulated abortion position in this campaign. They are also investing heavily in portraying Democrats as soft on crime, too prone to raise taxes, and hostile to parents rights in shaping their childrens education, the issue that Youngkin stressed most in his 2021 victory. When Tara Durant, Griffins Republican opponent, debated him last month, she also tried to link the Democrat to Bidens policies on immigration and the radical Green New Deal while blaming the president for persistent inflation. What we do not need are Biden Democrats in Virginia right now, insisted Durant, who serves in the House of Delegates.
Griffin has raised other issues too. In the debate, he underscored his support for increasing public-education funding and his opposition to book-banning efforts by a school board in a rural part of the district. Democrats also warn that with unified control of the governorship and state legislature, Republicans will try to roll back the expansions of voting rights and gun-control laws that Democrats passed when they last controlled all three institutions, from 2019 to 2021. A television ad from state Democrats shows images of the January 6 insurrection while a narrator warns, With one more vote in Richmond, MAGA Republicans can take away your rights, your freedoms, your security.
Yet both sides recognize that abortion is most likely to tip the outcome next month. Each side can point to polling that offers encouragemnt for its abortion stance. A Washington Post/Schar School poll earlier this year found that a slim 49 to 46 percent plurality of Virginia voters said they would support a 15-week abortion limit with exceptions. But in that same survey, only 17 percent of state residents said they wanted abortion laws to become more restrictive.
In effect, Republicans believe the key phrase for voters in their proposal will be 15 weeks, whereas Democrats believe that most voters wont hear anything except ban or limit. Some GOP candidates have even run ads explicitly declaring that they dont support an abortion ban, because they would permit the procedure during those first 15 weeks of pregnancy. But Democrats remain confident that voters will view any tightening of current law as a threat.
Part of what makes it so salient [for voters] is Republicans were so close to passing an abortion ban in the last legislative session and they came up just narrowly short, Jesse Ferguson, a Democratic strategist with experience in Virginia elections, told me. Its not a situation like New York in 2022, where people sided with us on abortion but didnt see it as under threat. In Virginia, its clear that that threat exists.
In many ways, the Virginia race will provide an unusually clear gauge of public attitudes about the parties competing abortion agendas. The result wont be colored by gerrymanders that benefit either side: The candidates are running in new districts drawn by a court-appointed special master. And compared with 2021, the political environment in the state appears more level as well. Cole, who lost his state-House seat that year, told me that although voters tangibly wanted something different and new in 2021, I would say were now at a plateau.
The one big imbalance in the playing field is that Youngkin has raised unprecedented sums of money to support the GOP legislative candidates. The governor has leveraged the interest in him potentially entering the presidential race as a late alternative to Trump into enormous contributions to his state political action committee from an array of national GOP donors. That torrent of money is providing Republican candidates with a late tactical advantage, especially because Virginia Democrats are not receiving anything like the national liberal money that flowed into the Wisconsin judicial election this spring.
Beyond his financial help, Youngkin is also an asset for the GOP ticket because multiple polls show that a majority of Virginia voters approve of his job performance. Republicans are confident that under Youngkin, the party has established a lead over Democrats among state voters for handling the economy and crime, while largely neutralizing the traditional Democratic advantage on education. To GOP strategists, Democrats are emphasizing abortion rights so heavily because there is no other issue on which they can persuade voters. Thats the only message the Democrats have, Roday, the GOP strategist, said. They really have run a campaign solely focused on one issue.
Jerusalem Demsas: The abortion policy most Americans want
Yet all of these factors only underscore the stakes for Youngkin, and Republicans nationwide, in the Virginia results. If they cant sell enough Virginia voters on their 15-week abortion limit to win unified control of the legislature, even amid all their other advantages in these races, it would send an ominous signal to the party. A Youngkin failure to capture the legislature would raise serious questions about the GOPs ability to overcome the majority support for abortion rights in the states most likely to decide the 2024 presidential race.
Next months elections will feature other contests around the country where abortion rights are playing a central role, including Democratic Governor Andy Beshears reelection campaign in Kentucky, a state-supreme-court election in Pennsylvania, and an Ohio ballot initiative to rescind the six-week abortion ban that Republicans passed in 2019. But none of those races may influence the parties future strategy on the issue more than the outcome in Virginia.

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Business
Nandy to sign off appointment of Kogan as top football referee
Published
2 hours agoon
April 24, 2025By
admin
Lisa Nandy, the culture secretary, is to sign off the appointment of a chair of English football’s new referee within days.
Sky News has learnt that David Kogan, a media industry veteran who has helped negotiate a string of television rights deals across the sport in recent decades, is to be formally approved as chair of the Independent Football Regulator (IFR).
Whitehall sources said an announcement could be made by the Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) as soon as this week, although they added that the timetable could slip by a few days.
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Once approved, Mr Kogan is expected to face a committee of MPs for a confirmation hearing early next month, the sources added.
Sky News revealed last weekend that Mr Kogan had emerged as the frontrunner for the post after an earlier shortlist of three candidates was passed over.
The new regulator has the firm backing of Sir Keir Starmer, and is a key element of legislation currently passing through Parliament.
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Mr Kogan, whose boardroom roles have included a directorship at state-owned Channel 4, was initially approached during a previous recruitment process launched under the last Conservative administration.
He has some links to Labour, having in the past donated money to a number of individual parliamentary candidates, chairing LabourList, the independent news site, and writing two books about the party.
Mr Kogan has had extensive experience at the top of English football, having advised clients including the Premier League, English Football League, Scottish Premier League and UEFA on television rights contracts.
Last year, he acted as the lead negotiator for the Women’s Super League and Championship on their latest five-year broadcasting deals with Sky – the immediate parent company of Sky News – and the BBC.
His current roles include advising the chief executives of CNN, the American broadcast news network, and The New York Times Company on talks with digital platforms about the growing influence of artificial intelligence on their industries.
In recent months, Sky News has disclosed the identities of the shortlisted candidates for the role, with former Aston Villa FC and Liverpool FC chief executive Christian Purslow one of three candidates who made it to a supposedly final group of contenders.

Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport Lisa Nandy. File pic: Reuters
The others were Sanjay Bhandari, who chairs the anti-racism football charity Kick It Out, and Professor Sir Ian Kennedy, who chaired the new parliamentary watchdog established after the MPs expenses scandal.
The apparent hiatus in the appointment of the IFR’s £130,000-a-year chair threatened to reignite speculation that Sir Keir was seeking to diminish its powers amid a broader clampdown on Britain’s economic watchdogs.
Both 10 Downing Street and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) have sought to dismiss those suggestions, with insiders insisting that the IFR will be established largely as originally envisaged.
Read more from Sky News:
UK car exporter’s shares slump to four-year low
Audio technology group Waves hello to £300m London flat
The creation of the IFR, which will be based in Manchester, is among the principal elements of legislation now progressing through parliament, with Royal Assent expected before the summer recess.
The Football Governance Bill has completed its journey through the House of Lords and will be introduced in the Commons shortly, according to the DCMS.
The regulator was conceived by the Tories in the wake of the furore over the failed European Super League project, but has triggered deep unrest in parts of English football.
Its creation forms part of a process that represents the most fundamental shake-up in the oversight of English football in the game’s history.
The establishment of the body comes with the top tier of the professional game gripped by civil war, with Abu Dhabi-owned Manchester City at the centre of a number of legal cases with the Premier League over its financial dealings.
The Premier League is also keen to agree a long-delayed financial redistribution deal with the EFL before the regulator is formally launched, although there has been little progress towards that in the last year.
“We do not comment on speculation,” a DCMS spokesperson said when asked about the impending announcement of Mr Kogan as the IFR chair.
“No appointment has been made and the recruitment process for [IFR] chair is ongoing.”
Environment
Everrati’s electric Porsche 911 restomod is the true soul of driving
Published
2 hours agoon
April 24, 2025By
admin

In the sportscar world, there is much discussion about retaining the “purity” of the sputtering, underperforming gas-guzzling engines of yesteryear. After a drive in Everrati’s Porsche 911 restomod, you’ll be ready to embrace the present and see just how much the drive experience can improve with modern technology.
There has been a lot of discussion about “purity” of the driving experience related to EVs. Some decry the “numb” feeling of the consumer-focused EVs they’ve driven, and think that this is indicative of some wider impossibility to provide an engaging drive experience in an electric vehicle.
But of course, when you compare a modern jellybean SUV, regardless of powertrain, with a purpose-built sportscar, there are going to be some differences in drive dynamics that aren’t flattering to the SUVs.
So lets make that comparison a little more fair. Let’s take an actual sportscar, a Porsche 911 (964) RSR, updated to the present day with an electric powertrain, and see just how much that “purity” in drive experience can be carried over with intentional effort, rather than kowtowing to perceptions of current market trends.
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For some background on myself, I started driving EVs with the original Mini E, which was merely a retrofit vehicle with the back seats replaced by a giant stack of batteries. It was a bit of a kludge, but I still fell in love with it largely due to the strengths of electric propulsion.
I then went on to buy an original Tesla Roadster, one of the few true sportscars out there that runs on electricity, so I’ve got more experience than most in small electric two-seaters.
There are certainly a lot of high-performance EVs these days, but most of them are hefty (4,000-5,000 lbs or more), 4-5 seaters with all-wheel drive (my toxic trait is that as far as I’m concerned, if it isn’t rear wheel drive, it isn’t really a sportscar).
So imagine my enthusiasm when I was offered a drive in a custom-built electric Porsche 911 (as long as Porsche refuses to make one itself…).

So, I headed down to Crystal Cove in Newport Beach, California, to meet Everrati CEO Justin Lunny and take this thing for a spin, to see what this real electric sportscar can do – and lets just say there might be a new entry on my lottery ticket shopping list.
Everrati is a UK-based company that does electric restomods of several vehicles, including the Porsche 911, Mercedes-Benz W113 Pagoda, Land Rover Series IIA and Ford GT40.
The company has completed 20 cars so far, with Porsche 911s being the most popular vehicle to convert.
I caught Lunny charging the Porsche as I pulled up, at a 50kW charging station. It has two charging inlets – one in the rear, under the trunk, which does DC or AC charging, and one in the front, using the 911’s original fuel door, which only does AC charging. The car is capable of 70kW charge rates, and while we don’t know what its charge curve looks like, that should mean 30-45 mins for a 10-80% charge.


The vehicle I drove is a 911 (964) RSR, created by Everrati as a commission, as many of its vehicles are. The vehicle still has a few finishing touches that need to be put on it, but otherwise was mostly complete. As a commission, the buyer was able to customize various aspects of the vehicle (including, for example, charge port location).
The interior of the vehicle is nicely finished, with everything redone from the original, but still in retro style. Gauges, knobs and switches are all in a similar style to the original, though a small single-DIN CarPlay headunit betrays the modernization under the hood.



It’s a two-seater, with some room behind the seats for some bags, but no seatbelts or room for people due to the rollbar. And the seats are heavily bolstered, locking you into position for when you whip it through corners. This is a real sportscar, it’s not just masquerading as one.
On a weekday on public roads, there wasn’t much opportunity to really open up the car or get in too much trouble, but the California weather and scenery were exactly what you’d expect. Our drive went up and down PCH and through some canyons, with a quick dip onto the freeway.
The amount of trouble we could get into was also limited by the car’s excellent handling. With a light weight and wide tires (295s on the rear, 30mm wider than the originals), the car felt extremely planted wherever we took it.

Everrati says that it’s important to maintain the weight of every vehicle it releases, and that it tries to ensure that its restomods don’t come out heavier than the original vehicle. It says this restomod is about 40lbs lighter than a 964 turbo (though that would make it heavier than the original RSR, which had significant weight-savings applied).
Despite the addition of a chunky 62kWh battery pack (range ~200 miles), Everrati says it was able to keep weight down by replacing several body panels with carbon fiber, in cooperation with Aria group, a contract manufacturer in Irvine, CA. Aria group works with Singer, the highly regarded Porsche restomodder – and is also helping TELO produce its tiny electric truck.

Everrati even went to the effort of ensuring weight distribution is similar to the original 911.
Famously, 911s are one of few cars designed with a rear-mounted engine, whose weight hangs behind the rear axle. From an engineering perspective, this is simply the wrong way to design a car – you want to reduce the car’s moment of inertia, which means bringing any heavy components as far inboard as possible.
Everrati did bring the motor slightly inboard of where the 911’s engine is, but it’s still placed behind the rear axle, maintaining the 911’s historically weird handling. And 70% of the car’s batteries are in the rear, to keep it rear-heavy.
In our drive test, the handling certainly didn’t feel heavy and felt extremely well-balanced, so we think Everrati did a good job here.

Steering is something else that Porsche has always been praised for. Everrati tried to maintain the steering feel of the original, with only light power assist leading to a heavy steering feel.
This was welcome to me, as my Roadster has manual steering, with no power assist at all. So I’m used to having to crank a small wheel around. The steering had a little bit of “play” in the wheel, which I imagine owes to its early 90s heritage (though still much tighter than the classic Bronco restomod I just drove prior), but otherwise felt exactly how I wanted it to – a relatively quick steering ratio with plenty of feeling transmitted to the driver.
But it has also managed to roughly double the horsepower from the original Porsche it was based on. Everrati says its restomod can produce about 500 horsepower, compared to the ~300 horsepower of even the racing version of the 964 911.

As is the case with Everrati’s vehicles, its drive software was customized for the customer in question. The customer asked for a drive experience that closely mirrored the original Porsche it was based on, so it wasn’t as “punchy” as some of today’s most powerful EVs, like Tesla’s Plaid Model S or the Turbo edition of Porsche’s Taycan and Macan EVs.
I liked this, myself, as I do think that we’ve gotten a little too punchy these days and lost the linearity I appreciate out of the throttle pedals in the Roadster and original RWD Model 3.
It also had virtually no off-throttle regen, instead placing the regenerative braking on the pedal. This is a sticking point for me, as I prefer one-pedal driving with strong off-throttle regen like many longtime EV drivers who have experienced it, so I’m glad that Everrati said it could offer something like that for customers who request it.
Speaking of brakes, the brake pedal, to me, felt a little soft. This could have been due to the tuning of the regenerative braking system, and also could surely be modified to an owner’s desires. I never did any particularly hard braking events that would have needed to engage the car’s friction brakes, but I just would have liked a little touchier brake pedal.

We also had a quick stop for a shake at the nearby Crystal Cove Shake Shack, and impressed some onlookers from the surrounding all-too-wealthy area. We caught several passers-by checking the car out, and they were quite surprised to learn that the classic Porsche they were looking at (otherwise not too rare of a sight in “New Porsche Beach”…) was electric.
Overall, this restomod is better put together than any I’ve seen or felt, and drove fantastically well.
I am often disappointed in some way by the EVs that I test drive, because they’re just not as fun to drive as the EVs that I’ve spent all my time in (Mini E, Tesla Roadster and Model 3). There’s often something missing, or something different, which may or may not have a good reason for being how it is, but at the end of the day it just makes the car less appealing to me than the EVs that I really love.
Not so with the Everrati. While I’d tune a couple things differently myself, this thing felt great. Just absolutely top tier. I just had to keep interrupting myself while talking to Lunny during my test drive, telling him how great this car felt. Just fantastic.

And that leads us back to the beginning – whether an EV can offer a “pure” driving experience. While taking this thing up and down PCH, through canyons, on a perfect Southern California day, without any of the rumbling, noise, or delayed shifting of gears needed from a traditional ICE engine.
There’s nothing to get between you and driving, and all the sensory experiences that motion entails. The car did what I wanted, when I wanted, and felt and looked great doing it. That sounds like as pure a driving experience as one can find.
As for the price? Well… “if you have to ask, you can’t afford it.” Everrati’s website doesn’t list prices, rather listing it as “POA” (price on application) and having a “let’s talk” button to reach out. The car we drove cost around $450k – on top of the donor car, which can’t have been cheap to begin with.
So, if you happen to have recently found that bitcoin drive you misplaced in 2011, now you know what to do with it.
If you’d like to read more (and see more photos) head on over and take a look at Everrati’s brand book, with lots of pretty pictures of the company’s vehicle projects.
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Environment
Trump aims to fight China’s control of minerals by investing in miners
Published
4 hours agoon
April 24, 2025By
admin
U.S. Department Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum looks on during CERAWeek in Houston, Texas, U.S., March 12, 2025.
Kaylee Greenlee | Reuters
OKLAHOMA CITY — The Trump administration is considering investing in companies that mine and process critical minerals in an effort to end U.S. dependence on imports from countries including China, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said this week.
“We should be taking some of our balance sheet and making investments,” Burgum said late Wednesday at a conference organized by the Hamm Institute for American Energy. “The U.S. may need to make an “equity investment in each of these companies that’s taking on China in critical minerals,” he said.
China dumps minerals on international markets, collapsing prices and making it difficult for U.S. companies to compete, Burgum said. “You’re competing against state capital because China is picking these strategically as areas that they want to invest in,” Burgum said.
The U.S. could use a vehicle like a sovereign wealth fund to invest in domestic miners focused on extracting and processing critical minerals, he said. “Why wouldn’t the wealthiest country in the world have the biggest sovereign wealth fund,” the Interior Secretary said.
Retaliatory export controls
Beijing earlier this month imposed export controls on rare earth elements — a subset of critical minerals —in retaliation for President Donald Trump’s decision to hike tariffs on goods made in China. Rare earth elements are used in key industries including defense, energy and automobiles. The U.S. imported 80% of the rare earths it used in 2024, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. About 70% of U.S. rare earth imports came from China in 2023.
“We have to get back in the game,” Burgum said, referring to mining. “It’s not just drill, baby, drill. It’s mine, baby, mine. If we don’t do that as a country, we will not be successful. We will literally be at the mercy of others that are controlling our supply chains.”
The Trump administration is also considering a sovereign risk insurance fund to guard companies that invest in approved projects against changing political winds in Washington, he said. If a future president cancels a project through executive fiat, companies would be paid back from the fund, Burgum said.
“Think of it like an insurance market that would be backed by the federal government,” Burgum said. “You got to write a check. There’s got to be a financial cost if you’re going to do these decisions where you’re destroying our balance sheet or destroying a company’s opportunity,” he said.
The U.S. needs to stockpile key critical minerals through a mechanism similar to the strategic petroleum reserve, Burgum said. When China dumps minerals on global markets and prices plummet, the U.S. should buy those minerals and stockpile them, he said.
“Those three things would put us in the game around critical minerals — the stockpiling, the sovereign risk insurance and the ability to take an equity position. We’re working on all three of those,” he said.
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