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A Tesla Model Y on a Tesla car lot in Austin, Texas, May 31, 2023.

Brandon Bell | Getty Images

In the fourth quarter of 2021, a Tesla employee and a tech industry researcher jointly filed a whistleblower complaint to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, expressing concerns that Elon Musk’s car company may have violated the law repeatedly, affecting shareholders, employees and customers.

The complaint contained a number of allegations about Tesla’s financials and its business practices, including that it improperly categorized repairs for years and that it had poor control over internal systems used for capturing business data that ultimately rolls up to financial and other company disclosures to shareholders.

In January 2022, the SEC assigned one person to look at one part of the complaint related to accounting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers’ work for Tesla, then closed that ticket a few months later, according to records reviewed by CNBC.

Agency staff have never spoken with the people who filed the complaint, those people say, and have never taken them up on their offer to review about 18,000 files they say they have for review, including internal Tesla emails, spreadsheets, screenshots, recordings and images, along with public records they gathered to support their allegations.

In response to questions from CNBC, the SEC declined to comment on the existence or nonexistence of a possible submission but said the agency evaluates all tips that are submitted. The whistleblowers could earn a financial reward if their complaint leads to the SEC taking some enforcement action and obtaining a monetary settlement or damages.

During the approximately two-year period since the complaint was first filed, Musk sold more than $39 billion of his shares in Tesla, including around $23 billion in 2022, to fund a leveraged buyout of Twitter, the social network he now owns and has rebranded X.

CNBC has reviewed a copy of the complaint — which is known as a TCR, an abbreviation federal agencies use to mean “tips, complaints and referrals” — along with follow-up correspondence to the financial regulator, public records and some of the internal Tesla materials that the whistleblowers wanted the agency to review. The identities of the people who filed the complaint to the SEC are known to CNBC, but they asked to remain unnamed and for their TCR to receive confidential treatment by the agency, citing a fear of retaliation by Musk against employees and critics, especially those who raise issues with government agencies or press. The whistleblower who was a Tesla employee no longer works there.

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CNBC asked accounting, business and securities law experts to read a version of the complaint with the identities of the whistleblowers redacted to protect their privacy.

Ann Lipton, an experienced corporate and securities law trial attorney who now teaches at Tulane Law School and University of Chicago Law School, told CNBC, “Whistleblowers in general can come off like they have an ax to grind. This complaint contains a long list of concerns and some felt more serious than others — but the people who filed it sound plausible,” in part because they offered so many specific examples and records from within the company. 

Some of the allegations in the redacted complaint, Lipton said, raise questions about whether Tesla has run afoul of federal securities law, including Section 13 of the Securities Exchange Act, Rule 13a-15 and Rule 15d-15, and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. Broadly, these rules require companies and their management to maintain sufficient internal systems and processes to track and report financial and business information to auditors and shareholders, and to do so accurately and honestly and at regular intervals.

After reviewing the redacted version of the whistleblower complaint, Karen Nelson, a professor of accounting at Texas Christian University who previously served as an advisor to the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, said the allegations about “internal control systems,” or how Tesla captures its financial and business information for eventual presentation to auditors and shareholders, were concerning.

If the information in the complaint is accurate, Nelson said, “Tesla’s information systems don’t seem to be very transparent and robust for internal people, which then leads to questions about how the auditor navigated those systems in their internal control testing, and became comfortable with using the data being produced by it.”

CNBC reached out to Tesla multiple times with detailed inquiries about this and other contentions. The company did not respond.

Here’s a detailed look at some of the more serious allegations about Tesla in the whistleblower complaint — and at the questions they raise about car quality and financial performance and why these would matter to shareholders or regulators, according to experts in the auto industry, securities and business law, and accounting.

Warranty repairs

Unlike traditional automakers, Tesla operates with a “direct-to-consumer” model meaning that it sells and services the cars it manufactures, rather than relying on franchised dealerships to do so. 

Why service is still Tesla's weakness

When Tesla employees complete a repair, they must classify the job within broad pay type categories, including “warranty,” “extended service agreement,” “customer pay,” “rectification,” “goodwill” and others, according to internal communications, guides and policies available to employees via a Tesla intranet and reviewed by CNBC. 

In their complaint, the tipsters included excerpts from Tesla policies, internal emails, customer service records and other documents to show that they believe employees have been miscategorizing repairs for years and that Tesla management has been aware of the problem.

Under standard warranty accounting practices in the automotive and other industries, companies set aside a portion of each sale to cover future repairs that will be conducted under warranty, Nelson explained to CNBC. These warranty reserves show up as liabilities on a company’s balance sheet and show up on the income statement as part of the costs of goods sold. Later, when repairs are recorded as “warranty,” the costs of these repairs are counted against the warranty reserves.

The complaint does not allege that Tesla deviates from this standard industry practice. It instead alleges that Tesla has allowed employees to miscategorize repairs and thereby hide some of its warranty costs.

With a “goodwill” repair, Tesla essentially foots the bill for labor, parts or accessories given to keep a customer happy. According to Tesla’s financial statements, the cost of goodwill repairs is not counted against warranty reserves and shows up on the income statement under sales, general and administrative costs.

Meanwhile, “customer pay” repairs are booked as revenue, specifically under the “services and other” category, according to its financial filings. Here, too, the repairs are not counted against warranty reserves.

By charging customers for repair work or by designating repairs as “goodwill” when they should qualify as “warranty” repairs instead, Tesla could be misstating fundamental financial information, the whistleblowers said, urging the SEC to investigate further.

“Were Tesla to accurately categorize its ‘goodwill’ repairs as warranty repairs, it would likely need to restate earnings for every quarter since at least 2017,” the tipsters wrote in their submission. “It should also be noted that nothing has ever stopped the company from appropriately sizing its warranty reserve even as its service employees handed out too much ‘goodwill’ repair coverage.”

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Indeed, Tesla’s goodwill expenses were unusually high for the industry, according to automotive industry veteran Nicholas Parks, who has owned and managed car dealerships in three states, including one in California that sold battery electric vehicles.

In just under two months in late 2021, Tesla was spending over $17 million on “goodwill” in the U.S. alone, which translated to about $70 worth of goodwill on the average repair order across approximately 247,000 repairs, according to internal Tesla dashboards referenced in the whistleblower complaint and reviewed by CNBC.

This is easily 10 times more money than traditional auto dealers would spend on goodwill per repair on average in two months, Parks told CNBC.

Nelson, the accounting professor, explained why miscategorization of repairs might be of interest to financial regulators and investors.

“Where you put stuff in a financial statement matters,” she said. “If I’m taking warranty costs out of the cost of automotive sales, and pushing them down into some other line further down the income statement, that will make my gross profit margin look higher. If I’m moving it from up above in cost of sales, and moving into other expenses, it’s also not as transparent about the quality of the product.”

Because Nelson did not review all the documentation the whistleblowers had to offer the SEC nor interview them, she would not give an opinion on whether Tesla may have run afoul of accounting requirements or securities laws. However, she did say she was “surprised” that the agency didn’t indicate more serious interest in the whistleblowers.

Inconsistent communications and policy apparently contributed to employees miscategorizing items as “goodwill” or “customer pay” that should have been billed under warranty, the filers’ complaint to the SEC said. 

Tesla documents read by CNBC show that employees had to navigate a maze of directives available in internal systems, such as WARP (a Tesla-built enterprise resource planning system), intranets and group emails, to figure out how to track and classify billing for each repair.

In one internal “Goodwill Guide,” Tesla told employees that any “repair/replacement necessary to correct defects in the materials/workmanship of any parts manufactured/supplied by Tesla” should be covered by and categorized as “Warranty/Extended Warranty pay type (post-delivery).” That would apply to any customer’s car that was still under a warranty, while out-of-warranty cars would require a customer to pay for repairs.

For a specific issue — “blistering” headrests in car seats manufactured by Tesla — the company gave employees different directions about how to bill customers for service to replace the part. One internal Tesla document seen by CNBC said the blistering headrest “is not a defect, and therefore not covered under warranty” and that repairs should be offered as goodwill. Confusingly, that document linked to another page in the company intranet saying customers should have to pay to get their headrests fixed.

Tesla also treated replacement of defective tail lamps as “customer pay,” after determining that chemicals used in commercial car washes could cause stress cracks in their lenses, according to internal documents read by CNBC. But in a seemingly contradictory note, an internal e-mail in the second quarter of 2021 referencing the issue said, “First repair and replacement of parts can be covered under Goodwill – Vehicle Quality.” 

The whistleblower complaint says that Tesla has been aware of inconsistencies in how employees treat repairs. During the second half of 2021, Tesla was working to improve data accuracy from its service division, according to internal records reviewed by CNBC. It set up score cards for each region to include assessments of pay type data, and goodwill and warranty costs. The company was aiming for better than 90% accuracy in service centers’ pay type data at that time, the internal records said.

Parks, the former automotive dealer, said with traditional dealerships, 99% or higher accuracy would be expected, and dealerships typically employ a number of specialists to ensure accuracy. “If dealership employees do not enter information about a repair correctly, then a claim may not get paid or you may end up having a warranty audit where the automaker comes in and charges back these claims and that’s painful,” he explained.

Questioning disclosures and data

In their 2021 complaint, the whistleblowers alleged that Tesla’s internal software and systems are constantly changing and have been rife with bugs and vulnerabilities throughout the years, and that third-party accountants or auditors may not have been given full access to, or thoroughly vetted, all of them.

The complaint said the whistleblower who had been a Tesla employee was authorized to access a wide array of records — including policies, internal emails, and sales- and service-related data — at Tesla through software and systems used daily by thousands of employees for normal work, including both custom-built and off-the-shelf programs. 

CNBC spoke with one current and two former Tesla employees who corroborated that most people working for Tesla have broad access to apps and information inside the company by default. They also noted the array of apps within Tesla has grown through the years, as would be expected with a growing business in a complex industry. These people requested anonymity as they were not authorized to speak on Tesla’s behalf.

The complaint embedded images of what the whistleblowers said were emails, spreadsheets and screenshots of some of Tesla’s homegrown software and back-end systems. It said these showed that non-administrative and non-executive employees had access to read and edit data points, via a developer tool called MySQL Workbench, that could later feed into Tesla’s shareholder communications and financial statements.

In one example, the tipsters said screenshots showed other Tesla employees changed the status of material used in manufacturing from “scrap” to “work in progress.” Scrap refers to material generated from a manufacturing job that is unusable waste.

In another example, the complaint said screenshots showed Tesla employees had manually changed the status of “used” cars to “new” in a program that tracked vehicle deliveries data. This could affect Tesla’s delivery numbers, they said, though they didn’t try to estimate the overall impact and instead encouraged the SEC to investigate further. 

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In early 2022, the whistleblowers wrote to the SEC expanding on their initial complaint. They described multiple databases and a separate, paper-based process for auditors that had been used over time at Tesla for tracking vehicle sales and deliveries. The ever-changing systems led to inconsistent measurements and definitions of “deliveries,” they alleged.

CNBC reached out to Tesla for comment on these specific allegations in the complaint and received no response.

Deliveries are the closest approximation of sales reported by Tesla in quarterly disclosures, and one of the numbers Wall Street watches most closely. If they were recorded inaccurately, the company could have met or beat analysts’ expectations for deliveries on the basis of flawed or falsified data.

In the fourth quarter of 2021, just before the whistleblowers sent their followup email, Tesla reported that it had reached 308,000 vehicle deliveries — a number that handily beat analysts’ expectations. 

Issues related to accurate tracking of deliveries would potentially merit an investigation into the reliability and accuracy of Tesla’s disclosures and financial reporting, and analysis of whether Tesla meets the standards and has safeguards in place that would be required under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, the whistleblower complaint said.

Under Sarbanes-Oxley, a company’s management is required to disclose the efficacy of its internal controls and identify weaknesses, such as the ability of unauthorized users to access sensitive data. Sarbanes-Oxley also requires auditors to check and report on these controls, so that investors can confidently rely on the financial statements and so that companies can avoid having to restate financials later on.

Business and securities law expert Lipton told CNBC if there are weaknesses in either “disclosure controls” or the “internal controls over financial reporting” at Tesla, there could have been a “potential violation of the substantive requirement that such controls be maintained” under Section 13 of the Exchange Act, and there might have been “false statements by the company, Musk, the CFO, or PwC regarding the effectiveness of internal controls.” 

“To the extent we’re talking about false statements, the kind of bottom-line trouble that might be involved depends on the level of fault,” Lipton said. “If the controls turn out to be faulty, but there was no flaw in the assessment — that is, top management and PwC reviewed everything, but the problems were too far down the chain to detect easily — then they may not be facing penalties for false statements. Obviously, matters become more serious if they intentionally or recklessly or perhaps even negligently misstated the state of the internal controls.”

Going concern

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Accounting expert Nelson told CNBC, in general: “Management should provide an explicit substantial doubt statement in the financial statements if it is probable that the company will not be able to meet its obligations within one year from the date the financial statements are issued. However, if they have plans that will alleviate that doubt, then they should disclose those plans but do not need to make a substantial doubt statement,” following accounting standards of the Financial Accounting Standards Board that have been in effect since mid-December 2016.

Auditors’ work for other Musk companies

Tesla’s auditing firm since 2005, PricewaterhouseCoopers, has also done tax-related consulting work for Musk enterprises SpaceX and The Boring Company, according to internal Tesla materials the whistleblowers offered to the SEC. In correspondence to the agency expanding on their complaint, the whistleblowers alleged this raises questions about the firm’s independence and objectivity in judging Tesla’s financials.

Besides offering internal materials from Tesla, the whistleblowers pointed to obscure public records from the California Alternative Energy and Advanced Transportation Financing Authority that they say also showed PricewaterhouseCoopers did non-audit work for Musk companies while serving as Tesla auditor. 

Although there are only four major auditing firms, there are dozens of reputable firms Musk’s privately held enterprises could have turned to for tax consulting.

Securities law expert Lipton said that generally, auditors are not supposed to do certain kinds of consulting services for their audit clients or for affiliates of their clients if “a reasonable person would question your independence.”

According to records reviewed by CNBC, the SEC assigned an employee to look into possible conflicts of interest in January 2022 but closed that ticket in April without interviewing the whistleblowers or evaluating their documentation.

PricewaterhouseCoopers declined to comment. Tesla did not respond to multiple inquiries for comment.

How the SEC handles whistleblower tips

The people behind the whistleblower complaint have followed up repeatedly with the SEC since late 2021, contacting different attorneys and other appropriate authorities within the agency to ensure they were aware of the tip.

After filing their TCR submission, the whistleblowers said, they emailed and left voicemails for multiple SEC employees, following up on the tip and emphasizing the substantial quantity of records they were making available to the SEC for review. The SEC employees they reached out to included successive San Francisco bureau chiefs for the agency, as well as other SEC attorneys and whistleblower program staff in 2023.

In October 2022, about a year after the whistleblowers submitted their complaint, the Office of the Inspector General publicly voiced concern that the financial regulator, under Chair Gary Gensler, was not properly staffed and that turnover at the senior officer level was abnormally high, over 20%. High attrition in the agency and other factors, the Inspector General’s office wrote, could result in “improper handling of TCRs” and may “impede SEC investor protection efforts.”

According to Alex Platt, a professor at the University of Kansas School of Law, whose SEC whistleblower research was published in the Yale Journal of Regulation, around 30 to 50 SEC staffers have been assigned to the office that screens tips, complaints and referrals. Platt said he believes this office is under-resourced.

Since the agency began offering a bounty for whistleblower tips in 2011, it had received about 52,400 tips and issued 216 awards as of September 2021. From the start of the program through the end of 2020, Platt’s research found, the average SEC whistleblower award amounted to around $6.2 million, with the median around $1.5 million. 

“Generally, you take how much the SEC gets from its enforcement action, and the whistleblowers get between 10% and 30%, based on multiple factors, including how helpful they were,” Platt explained.

Whether a tip gets selected for investigation, enforcement, and awards depends on whether it matches the SEC’s current enforcement priorities, the professor said. Attorneys who are former agency officials have the greatest success in obtaining awards for their clients, using their unique access and insight into the agency’s priorities to pick the “right” clients and shape their submissions, Platt told CNBC.

An SEC spokesperson disputed Platt’s characterization that the agency pays more careful attention to submissions from whistleblowers who have attorneys with prior SEC experience.

The spokesperson said in an email to CNBC: “The priority of the whistleblower program is to incentivize individuals to come forward and report possible violations of the federal securities laws to the SEC. The whistleblower office encourages all individuals with information about fraud or wrongdoing involving potential violations of the federal securities laws to submit their whistleblower tips and any additional information electronically through the Commission’s online TCR portal.”

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How Elon Musk’s plan to slash government agencies and regulation may benefit his empire

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How Elon Musk’s plan to slash government agencies and regulation may benefit his empire

Elon Musk’s business empire is sprawling. It includes electric vehicle maker Tesla, social media company X, artificial intelligence startup xAI, computer interface company Neuralink, tunneling venture Boring Company and aerospace firm SpaceX. 

Some of his ventures already benefit tremendously from federal contracts. SpaceX has received more than $19 billion from contracts with the federal government, according to research from FedScout. Under a second Trump presidency, more lucrative contracts could come its way. SpaceX is on track to take in billions of dollars annually from prime contracts with the federal government for years to come, according to FedScout CEO Geoff Orazem.

Musk, who has frequently blamed the government for stifling innovation, could also push for less regulation of his businesses. Earlier this month, Musk and former Republican presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy were tapped by Trump to lead a government efficiency group called the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE.

In a recent commentary piece in the Wall Street Journal, Musk and Ramaswamy wrote that DOGE will “pursue three major kinds of reform: regulatory rescissions, administrative reductions and cost savings.” They went on to say that many existing federal regulations were never passed by Congress and should therefore be nullified, which President-elect Trump could accomplish through executive action. Musk and Ramaswamy also championed the large-scale auditing of agencies, calling out the Pentagon for failing its seventh consecutive audit. 

“The number one way Elon Musk and his companies would benefit from a Trump administration is through deregulation and defanging, you know, giving fewer resources to federal agencies tasked with oversight of him and his businesses,” says CNBC technology reporter Lora Kolodny.

To learn how else Elon Musk and his companies may benefit from having the ear of the president-elect watch the video.

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Why X’s new terms of service are driving some users to leave Elon Musk’s platform

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Why X's new terms of service are driving some users to leave Elon Musk's platform

Elon Musk attends the America First Policy Institute gala at Mar-A-Lago in Palm Beach, Florida, Nov. 14, 2024.

Carlos Barria | Reuters

X’s new terms of service, which took effect Nov. 15, are driving some users off Elon Musk’s microblogging platform. 

The new terms include expansive permissions requiring users to allow the company to use their data to train X’s artificial intelligence models while also making users liable for as much as $15,000 in damages if they use the platform too much. 

The terms are prompting some longtime users of the service, both celebrities and everyday people, to post that they are taking their content to other platforms. 

“With the recent and upcoming changes to the terms of service — and the return of volatile figures — I find myself at a crossroads, facing a direction I can no longer fully support,” actress Gabrielle Union posted on X the same day the new terms took effect, while announcing she would be leaving the platform.

“I’m going to start winding down my Twitter account,” a user with the handle @mplsFietser said in a post. “The changes to the terms of service are the final nail in the coffin for me.”

It’s unclear just how many users have left X due specifically to the company’s new terms of service, but since the start of November, many social media users have flocked to Bluesky, a microblogging startup whose origins stem from Twitter, the former name for X. Some users with new Bluesky accounts have posted that they moved to the service due to Musk and his support for President-elect Donald Trump.

Bluesky’s U.S. mobile app downloads have skyrocketed 651% since the start of November, according to estimates from Sensor Tower. In the same period, X and Meta’s Threads are up 20% and 42%, respectively. 

X and Threads have much larger monthly user bases. Although Musk said in May that X has 600 million monthly users, market intelligence firm Sensor Tower estimates X had 318 million monthly users as of October. That same month, Meta said Threads had nearly 275 million monthly users. Bluesky told CNBC on Thursday it had reached 21 million total users this week.

Here are some of the noteworthy changes in X’s new service terms and how they compare with those of rivals Bluesky and Threads.

Artificial intelligence training

X has come under heightened scrutiny because of its new terms, which say that any content on the service can be used royalty-free to train the company’s artificial intelligence large language models, including its Grok chatbot.

“You agree that this license includes the right for us to (i) provide, promote, and improve the Services, including, for example, for use with and training of our machine learning and artificial intelligence models, whether generative or another type,” X’s terms say.

Additionally, any “user interactions, inputs and results” shared with Grok can be used for what it calls “training and fine-tuning purposes,” according to the Grok section of the X app and website. This specific function, though, can be turned off manually. 

X’s terms do not specify whether users’ private messages can be used to train its AI models, and the company did not respond to a request for comment.

“You should only provide Content that you are comfortable sharing with others,” read a portion of X’s terms of service agreement.

Though X’s new terms may be expansive, Meta’s policies aren’t that different. 

The maker of Threads uses “information shared on Meta’s Products and services” to get its training data, according to the company’s Privacy Center. This includes “posts or photos and their captions.” There is also no direct way for users outside of the European Union to opt out of Meta’s AI training. Meta keeps training data “for as long as we need it on a case-by-case basis to ensure an AI model is operating appropriately, safely and efficiently,” according to its Privacy Center. 

Under Meta’s policy, private messages with friends or family aren’t used to train AI unless one of the users in a chat chooses to share it with the models, which can include Meta AI and AI Studio.

Bluesky, which has seen a user growth surge since Election Day, doesn’t do any generative AI training. 

“We do not use any of your content to train generative AI, and have no intention of doing so,” Bluesky said in a post on its platform Friday, confirming the same to CNBC as well.

Liquidated damages

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The Pentagon’s battle inside the U.S. for control of a new Cyber Force

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The Pentagon's battle inside the U.S. for control of a new Cyber Force

A recent Chinese cyber-espionage attack inside the nation’s major telecom networks that may have reached as high as the communications of President-elect Donald Trump and Vice President-elect J.D. Vance was designated this week by one U.S. senator as “far and away the most serious telecom hack in our history.”

The U.S. has yet to figure out the full scope of what China accomplished, and whether or not its spies are still inside U.S. communication networks.

“The barn door is still wide open, or mostly open,” Senator Mark Warner of Virginia and chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee told the New York Times on Thursday.

The revelations highlight the rising cyberthreats tied to geopolitics and nation-state actor rivals of the U.S., but inside the federal government, there’s disagreement on how to fight back, with some advocates calling for the creation of an independent federal U.S. Cyber Force. In September, the Department of Defense formally appealed to Congress, urging lawmakers to reject that approach.

Among one of the most prominent voices advocating for the new branch is the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a national security think tank, but the issue extends far beyond any single group. In June, defense committees in both the House and Senate approved measures calling for independent evaluations of the feasibility to create a separate cyber branch, as part of the annual defense policy deliberations.

Drawing on insights from more than 75 active-duty and retired military officers experienced in cyber operations, the FDD’s 40-page report highlights what it says are chronic structural issues within the U.S. Cyber Command (CYBERCOM), including fragmented recruitment and training practices across the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines.

“America’s cyber force generation system is clearly broken,” the FDD wrote, citing comments made in 2023 by then-leader of U.S. Cyber Command, Army General Paul Nakasone, who took over the role in 2018 and described current U.S. military cyber organization as unsustainable: “All options are on the table, except the status quo,” Nakasone had said.

Concern with Congress and a changing White House

The FDD analysis points to “deep concerns” that have existed within Congress for a decade — among members of both parties — about the military being able to staff up to successfully defend cyberspace. Talent shortages, inconsistent training, and misaligned missions, are undermining CYBERCOM’s capacity to respond effectively to complex cyber threats, it says. Creating a dedicated branch, proponents argue, would better position the U.S. in cyberspace. The Pentagon, however, warns that such a move could disrupt coordination, increase fragmentation, and ultimately weaken U.S. cyber readiness.

As the Pentagon doubles down on its resistance to establishment of a separate U.S. Cyber Force, the incoming Trump administration could play a significant role in shaping whether America leans toward a centralized cyber strategy or reinforces the current integrated framework that emphasizes cross-branch coordination.

Known for his assertive national security measures, Trump’s 2018 National Cyber Strategy emphasized embedding cyber capabilities across all elements of national power and focusing on cross-departmental coordination and public-private partnerships rather than creating a standalone cyber entity. At that time, the Trump’s administration emphasized centralizing civilian cybersecurity efforts under the Department of Homeland Security while tasking the Department of Defense with addressing more complex, defense-specific cyber threats. Trump’s pick for Secretary of Homeland Security, South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem, has talked up her, and her state’s, focus on cybersecurity.

Former Trump officials believe that a second Trump administration will take an aggressive stance on national security, fill gaps at the Energy Department, and reduce regulatory burdens on the private sector. They anticipate a stronger focus on offensive cyber operations, tailored threat vulnerability protection, and greater coordination between state and local governments. Changes will be coming at the top of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, which was created during Trump’s first term and where current director Jen Easterly has announced she will leave once Trump is inaugurated.

Cyber Command 2.0 and the U.S. military

John Cohen, executive director of the Program for Countering Hybrid Threats at the Center for Internet Security, is among those who share the Pentagon’s concerns. “We can no longer afford to operate in stovepipes,” Cohen said, warning that a separate cyber branch could worsen existing silos and further isolate cyber operations from other critical military efforts.

Cohen emphasized that adversaries like China and Russia employ cyber tactics as part of broader, integrated strategies that include economic, physical, and psychological components. To counter such threats, he argued, the U.S. needs a cohesive approach across its military branches. “Confronting that requires our military to adapt to the changing battlespace in a consistent way,” he said.

In 2018, CYBERCOM certified its Cyber Mission Force teams as fully staffed, but concerns have been expressed by the FDD and others that personnel were shifted between teams to meet staffing goals — a move they say masked deeper structural problems. Nakasone has called for a CYBERCOM 2.0, saying in comments early this year “How do we think about training differently? How do we think about personnel differently?” and adding that a major issue has been the approach to military staffing within the command.

Austin Berglas, a former head of the FBI’s cyber program in New York who worked on consolidation efforts inside the Bureau, believes a separate cyber force could enhance U.S. capabilities by centralizing resources and priorities. “When I first took over the [FBI] cyber program … the assets were scattered,” said Berglas, who is now the global head of professional services at supply chain cyber defense company BlueVoyant. Centralization brought focus and efficiency to the FBI’s cyber efforts, he said, and it’s a model he believes would benefit the military’s cyber efforts as well. “Cyber is a different beast,” Berglas said, emphasizing the need for specialized training, advancement, and resource allocation that isn’t diluted by competing military priorities.

Berglas also pointed to the ongoing “cyber arms race” with adversaries like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea. He warned that without a dedicated force, the U.S. risks falling behind as these nations expand their offensive cyber capabilities and exploit vulnerabilities across critical infrastructure.

Nakasone said in his comments earlier this year that a lot has changed since 2013 when U.S. Cyber Command began building out its Cyber Mission Force to combat issues like counterterrorism and financial cybercrime coming from Iran. “Completely different world in which we live in today,” he said, citing the threats from China and Russia.

Brandon Wales, a former executive director of the CISA, said there is the need to bolster U.S. cyber capabilities, but he cautions against major structural changes during a period of heightened global threats.

“A reorganization of this scale is obviously going to be disruptive and will take time,” said Wales, who is now vice president of cybersecurity strategy at SentinelOne.

He cited China’s preparations for a potential conflict over Taiwan as a reason the U.S. military needs to maintain readiness. Rather than creating a new branch, Wales supports initiatives like Cyber Command 2.0 and its aim to enhance coordination and capabilities within the existing structure. “Large reorganizations should always be the last resort because of how disruptive they are,” he said.

Wales says it’s important to ensure any structural changes do not undermine integration across military branches and recognize that coordination across existing branches is critical to addressing the complex, multidomain threats posed by U.S. adversaries. “You should not always assume that centralization solves all of your problems,” he said. “We need to enhance our capabilities, both defensively and offensively. This isn’t about one solution; it’s about ensuring we can quickly see, stop, disrupt, and prevent threats from hitting our critical infrastructure and systems,” he added.

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