An explosion at the al Ahli hospital in Gaza on Tuesday killed many – officials linked to Hamas said up to 471 were killed.
This latest round of fighting has inflamed anger and violence well beyond the confines of the Israel/Hamas conflict.
The Israelis insist they have evidence which suggests that the damage was not inflicted by them, but instead by a misfired rocket by Hamas ally Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
That is not believed in the Arab world, most of whom say they want to see an independent investigation into what happened.
Regardless, “the first casualty of war is the truth” – so what prospect is there of stopping this current spiral of violence to avoid a significantly wider regional conflict?
Whether attributed to US politician Senator Hiram Warren Johnson in 1918; Dr Samuel Johnson in 1758, or even the ancient Greek dramatist Aeschylus around 550 BC, the quote about the truth being the first casualty of war would appear as true today as in Aeschylus’ time.
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Despite the horrific and despicable events committed by Hamas on Israel on 7 October, it suits Hamas to frame the current conflict as one between Arab and Western ideals, and nothing appears off-limits.
And it has worked.
Violence has erupted all over the region in protest at Israel’s actions.
Even Jordan’s foreign minister has made clear that “no one is buying” the Israeli narrative about the Gaza hospital explosion.
Image: A wounded baby in al Ahli hospital in Gaza
Image: A member of the media walks in the area of the hospital
The West, and indeed most of the world, tolerates a wide range of religious beliefs in its population provided that the shared values of the nation endure.
However, having been responsible for creating the Jewish state of Israel, in the middle of an Arab region – which supplanted the resident Palestinian population at the time, the West has more than a degree of responsibility for solving the ensuing problems.
All sides know there is no military solution, yet in the absence of a political determination to chart a course for peace, the politicians take the easy route, hide behind inflamed rhetoric, and the casualties mount.
Image: People clash with security forces during a protest near the US embassy in Awkar, Lebanon, after the explosion at al Ahli hospital
Image: A man holds a Palestinian flag during a protest in Turkey after the hospital blast
Military action should be the route of last resort – and only then if it offers a clear objective. Instead, each side seems determined to inflict growing levels of violence, destruction and pain on each other, which makes the path to peace even more challenging.
Every country is entitled to protect its people – indeed, it is a priority.
However, in the current conflict, a perpetuation of the violence makes future conflict more – not less – likely.
So, the politicians involved are making matters worse, not better. Real political strength is not the ability to inflame, antagonise and incite – that might play to the crowd, but it is a negligent folly.
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Instead, great statesmanship is walking the hard road, of working tirelessly to get beyond the anger, to understand your adversary’s position, to seek compromise, understanding and accommodation.
This is no idealistic dream, this is the harsh reality that without supreme efforts, violence risks spiralling out of control. And, for normal Palestinians and Israelis, nobody wins.
The conflict in Israel is a direct result of a failure of politics and diplomacy.
Periodically, events attract the interest of international politicians, who then seek to apply a “quick fix” by focusing on the “symptoms” of the problem – such as now with the humanitarian crisis and hostage situation – and a few deftly placed sticky plasters are applied.
Image: US President Joe Biden is welcomed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a visit to Tel Aviv
Image: Rishi Sunak meets Mr Netanyahu in Israel. Pic: No 10 Downing Street
But the central disease endures, conveniently dormant but unresolved, until circumstances dictate, and the violence erupts again.
Occasionally, leaders can look beyond their own polarised view, swallow their pride and engage in slow but meaningful progress.
Yasser Arafat was the leader of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) from 1969 to 2004, but gradually shifted his approach from open conflict with the Israelis and instead engaged in a series of negotiations with the Israeli government to end the conflict between it and the PLO.
These included the Madrid Conference of 1991, the 1993 Oslo Accords and the 2000 Camp David Summit.
The success of the negotiations in Oslo led to Arafat being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, alongside Israeli Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, in 1994.
Image: From left, Shimon Peres, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin
And, despite Arafat being a polarising figure, progress was made. Following his demise, who was prepared to build on those foundations – from either side?
Who, on either side, is prepared to make such brave and potentially unpopular steps today?
Politicians are supposed to speak for their people rather than pursue firebrand rhetoric, and all are aware that there is no military solution to the Israel/Palestine/Hamas issue.
Normal Palestinians and Israeli families cannot want the current conflict to continue, to blight their lives and that of the next generation.
Image: Palestinians gather around residential buildings destroyed in Israeli strikes in Zahra City in southern Gaza City
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1:07
Hamas ‘livestreamed’ my cousin’s murder
As a former military officer, we had to have faith in our political masters, that they would explore every avenue available before committing their military to war – with all that war entails.
Can that test be passed today? In the absence of true political leadership, the violence continues – taking sides does not help, it simply hardens resolve.
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Each side blames the other, third party proxies fuel the hatred, and in the tsunami of casualties and anger, the truth becomes hard to find.
What a sad indictment on the apparent power of democracy that we know the path to peace, but systematically avoid taking such brave and difficult steps.
Two things can be true at the same time – an adage so apt for the past day.
This was the Trump show. There’s no question about that. It was a show called by him, pulled off for him, attended by leaders who had no other choice and all because he craves the ego boost.
But the day was also an unquestionable and game-changing geopolitical achievement.
Image: World leaders, including Trump and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, pose for a family photo. Pic: Reuters
Trump stopped the war, he stopped the killing, he forced Hamas to release all the hostages, he demanded Israel to free prisoners held without any judicial process, he enabled aid to be delivered to Gaza, and he committed everyone to a roadmap, of sorts, ahead.
He did all that and more.
He also made the Israel-Palestine conflict, which the world has ignored for decades, a cause that European and Middle Eastern nations are now committed to invest in. No one, it seems, can ignore Trump.
Love him or loathe him, those are remarkable achievements.
‘Focus of a goldfish’
The key question now is – will he stay the course?
One person central to the negotiations which have led us to this point said to me last week that Trump has the “focus of a goldfish”.
Image: Benjamin Netanyahu applauds while Trump addresses the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. Pic: Reuters
It’s true that he tends to have a short attention span. If things are not going his way, and it looks likely that he won’t turn out to be the winner, he quickly moves on and blames someone else.
So, is there a danger of that with this? Let’s check in on it all six months from now (I am willing to be proved wrong – the Trump-show is truly hard to chart), but my judgement right now is that he will stay the course with this one for several reasons.
First, precisely because of the show he has created around this. Surely, he won’t want it all to fall apart now?
He has invested so much personal reputation in all this, I’d argue that even he wouldn’t want to drop it, even when the going gets tough – which it will.
Second, the Abraham Accords. They represented his signature foreign policy achievement in his first term – the normalisation of relations between Israel and the Muslim world.
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4:48
Trump’s peace summit: As it happened
Back in his first presidency, he tried to push the accords through without solving the Palestinian question. It didn’t work.
This time, he’s grasped the nettle. Now he wants to bring it all together in a grand bargain. He’s doing it for peace but also, of course, for the business opportunities – to help “make America great again”.
Peace – and prosperity – in the Middle East is good for America. It’s also good for Trump Inc. He and his family are going to get even richer from a prosperous Middle East.
Then there is the Nobel Peace Prize. He didn’t win it this year. He was never going to – nominations had to be in by January.
But next year he really could win – especially if he solves the Ukraine challenge too.
If he could bring his coexistence and unity vibe to his own country – rather than stoking the division – he may stand an even greater chance of winning.
One of the most high-profile and influential Palestinian politicians has told Sky News that Donald Trump is now “calling the shots” for Israel – and warned it “doesn’t make sense” to have a Western-led government ruling Gaza or the return of a “British mandate” under Sir Tony Blair.
Nasser al-Qudwa, 72, insisted Hamas should be involved in the territory’s future and that a new structure is needed that would allow a single authority to govern both the West Bank and Gaza.
Al-Qudwa is strongly tipped for a return to the front line of politics, either within the existing Palestinian Authority or a new framework for Gaza.
Image: Nasser al-Qudwa. Pic: Reuters
Since leaving his role as foreign minister for the Palestinian Authority in 2006, he has served in a variety of roles, including as a diplomat at the United Nations and as head of the Yasser Arafat Foundation.
Al-Qudwa is the nephew of Arafat, ex-chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, who died in 2004 aged 75.
Image: Yasser Arafat at the White House in 1993. Pic: AP
Trump’s proposal ‘doesn’t make sense’
Al-Qudwa has just been welcomed back into the central committee of Fatah, which runs the Palestinian Authority, the governing body of the West Bank.
Asked how he feels about the prospect of an international body ruling Gaza, including both Mr Trump and Sir Tony, he told Sky News: “The Palestinian people do not deserve to be put under international trusteeship or guardianship.
“And definitely it does not deserve to be put on the British mandate again.
“The whole notion that you are bringing a Western land to build a lot in Gaza after all these sacrifices and all this bloodshed, it doesn’t make sense.”
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0:33
Blair asked about Gaza peace board
Netanyahu ‘not calling the shots’
Al-Qudwa is a strong advocate for a two-state solution and says the only way to stem the anger of Palestinian youths “is to give them a better life”.
Asked if he was confident Israel would observe the ceasefire and move into the second phase of the Trump plan, Al-Qudwa said: “I don’t trust anybody.
“But, to be frank with you, I don’t think it’s the Israeli leader that’s calling the shots.
“I think it’s Mr Donald Trump. And he has promised that repeatedly.
“It’s going to be difficult because the second phase is going to be more difficult. But I do hope that it’s going to happen because we need it to.”
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0:42
Trump asks Israel’s president to pardon Netanyahu
A role for Hamas
Al-Qudwa wants a new unitary governing body for the West Bank and Gaza “that is organically linked… to ensure the territorial integrity and the unity of the Palestinian people”.
He said under his model, Hamas would be invited to be part of the political landscape. It would be a different form of Hamas – a political party rather than an organisation with a military wing.
“It would be a different Hamas,” said al-Qudwa. “What is missing from the debate is the serious, comprehensive positions. I spoke about ending the role of Hamas in Gaza, ending the control of Hamas over Gaza in all its forms, political, administrative, as well as security, which means the official body needs to have control over weapons.
“And then I think it’s very right to transform into a political party and then participate in the Palestinian political life, including elections under Palestinian law enforcement.”
Image: Donald Trump and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Pic: Reuters
Despite being closely linked to a future role in Gaza, al-Qudwa, who was born in Khan Younis in the south of the strip, said you would have to be “crazy” to want to work in the territory now.
He cast doubt over the plan to have elections within a year of the war coming to an end, saying it was impossible to imagine how you could hold such a logistically demanding event in a ruined country like Gaza.
Israel’s war in Gaza, launched following the killing of 1,200 people and capture of 251 more by Hamas during its October 7 attacks, has seen more than 67,000 Gazans killed, according to Palestinian health officials. Its figures don’t differentiate between civilians and combatants but says around half of the victims are women and children.
But al-Qudwa pointedly refused to deny speculation about his future ambitions.
Asked if he would be interested in becoming the next president of the Palestinian Authority, after Mahmoud Abbas, al-Qudwa simply smiled.
“There is no vacancy,” he said.
“That’s not a no,” I suggested. “It’s also not a yes,” he replied.
These were the people being sent back to the West Bank as part of the ceasefire deal – the people exchanged for the hostages.
The welcome they got was chaotic and joyful, just like previous prisoner releases. But there was something different this time – a changed, charged atmosphere and a heavier police presence.
Image: Palestinians in Ramallah greet relatives released from Israeli prisons. Pic: AP
And as the minutes passed by, the sense of joy was also pockmarked by pockets of utter sadness.
At first, it was a mistake. We saw a woman in floods of tears watching as prisoners filed off the two buses, showing victory signs at the waiting crowds. She had come to meet a cousin, but was sure that somehow he had been missed out and left behind. Her tears flowed until, some time later, she found him.
But others were not so fortunate. Overnight, the Israeli authorities had decided to increase the number of prisoners deemed dangerous enough to be denied a return to the West Bank.
Instead, this group, which makes up the majority of the 250 released prisoners, was taken to Gaza and released. Then they get the choice of whether to stay in Gaza or to be deported to another country – possibly Egypt or Turkey.
It is one thing to be taken back to Gaza if you are Gazan. But for the prisoners who come from the West Bank, and who are confronted by the apocalyptic wasteland left behind by war, it is a ticket to deportation, and the knowledge they can never return to their homeland.
You can only get to the West Bank by going through Israeli checkpoints or passport checks. And, clearly, having been deported, you won’t be allowed back in.
And so it is that we see Ghadeer in floods of tears. She is a police officer, in her uniform, and she runs back to the sanctuary of her car, to cry.
Image: A crowd gathers around a bus carrying released Palestinian prisoners. Pic: AP
‘Psychological terror’
Her sister Abeer is also here, and also distraught. Their brother, who they expected to collect, has been taken to Gaza. They did not know until they got here, and realised he had not emerged from the bus.
Her cousin, Yahya, is also here: “We got a call from my cousin last night, and then we got a written warning taped on our door saying that we weren’t allowed to celebrate.
“At midnight, they moved him south, and then to Gaza, all without our knowledge. We came here to see him, and we were shocked that he wasn’t on the bus.
“It is part of their playbook – psychological terror, playing with our emotions, and those of the prisoners.”
To Israel, the release of these prisoners has been a cause of soul-searching, criticised by some as a reckless action that frees terrorists. But for Palestinians, these prisoners are a blend of freedom fighters and political prisoners, some of whom have spent years in detention despite never facing criminal trial.
The prisoners have been told not to celebrate after their release, and these are warnings they take seriously. One man tells us: “I can’t talk, but I am happy.” Another simply says” “I can’t say anything today – come back tomorrow.”
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1:28
Could recognition of Palestine change the West Bank?
‘They are taking our soul’
But another tells us he is “ashamed” that it could have taken the death of so many people in Gaza to secure his release. Emotions run high.
Among the crowds, we see Aman Nafa. Her husband is Nael Barghouti, who has spent 45 years in prison – more than any other Palestinian prisoner – and is now in exile in Turkey. He’s banned from returning, she’s banned from visiting him.
I ask her about the ceasefire, and the chances of a new beginning between Israel and the Palestinians. She bristles.
“They don’t want any peace with us,” she says. “They just want to take the land. It’s like our soul – they are taking our soul. They are torturing us.”
I ask her about her emotions on a day when the focus of the world is on the return of the hostages.
“Double standards,” she says, “but the people around the world – they know what is happening in Palestine. We are not against Jewish people. We are against the Zionists who want to empty our land and take it.”
Acrimony, mistrust, and the fear of tomorrow are endemic among many in the West Bank. A ceasefire in Gaza has soothed some nerves, but, so far at least, it hasn’t addressed the fundamental problems.