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By Katie Siegnerm, Mark Dyson, & Gabriella Tosado

Despite serving only 13 percent of US electricity load, electric cooperatives loom large in conversations about the US energy system’s past, present, and future. The initial vision for nonprofit electric co-ops dates back to the New Deal, when the Rural Electrification Act of 1936 authorized the creation of co-ops to serve rural areas bypassed by the larger electricity providers of the time. Today, 832 distribution co-ops and 63 generation and transmission (G&T) co-ops still serve the majority of rural America, including more than 90 percent of persistent poverty counties (counties with at least 20 percent of their population living in poverty).

As the energy transition ramps up, bringing the benefits of low-cost renewable energy to more and more places, electric co-ops the opportunity to replace their aging coal fleets with wind and solar projects. This can lower electric bills and drive rural economic development in areas that need it.

“If You Know One Co-op…”

Through several years of engagements with co-op leadership and stakeholders, we have learned that electric co-ops face unique and varied constraints as well as incentives when it comes to decarbonizing their generation mix. Co-ops have lagged other utilities in retiring their coal plants, although a spate of coal retirement announcements and emissions reduction goals set by several prominent G&Ts in the past year indicates they may be closing that gap. A combination of rapidly falling costs for renewable energy and battery storage technologies, state climate policy, and member demand for carbon-free electricity is driving that shift.

Nonetheless, a number of G&T co-ops are continuing to operate aging and increasingly uneconomic coal plants without plans for their retirement. This can be due to the nature of some co-op financing structures as well as regulatory and governance models that muddy the economic signal for retirement. For example, coal plants may have undepreciated value that the G&Ts are seeking to recover, and in some cases, they act as the collateral on G&T debt obligations, making their retirement a risk to lenders.

What’s more, co-ops’ nonprofit status limits their ability to take advantage of existing tax credits for wind and solar development. And G&Ts with a history of asset ownership may be reluctant to shift toward greater shares of third-party-owned generation (e.g., wind and solar projects contracted for through power purchase agreements).

In short, co-ops’ situations and needs are as varied as the geographies they serve — as the saying goes, “if you know one co-op, then you know one co-op.” As such, there hasn’t yet been a silver bullet approach that can overcome the barriers to full co-op participation in the clean energy transition.

Federal Policy Can Support and Speed the Co-op Energy Transition

Policy intervention can smooth the path forward for the cooperative energy transition by allowing G&Ts to retire uneconomic coal and replace their fossil generation with clean energy alternatives. This could spur rural economic development and clean tech asset ownership opportunities while at the same time lowering member electricity bills.

Today, federal policymakers have the opportunity to facilitate a coal-to-clean transition among electric co-ops through investment that incents co-ops to retire their coal assets and replace them with renewable generation. The White House includes funding for transitioning rural co-ops to clean energy in its American Jobs Plan, and additional proposals outline incentives that would be available to co-ops for each kW of coal that they replace with clean energy. These proposals also provide direct support to impacted coal plant and mine communities.

The replacement of rural cooperative coal with wind and solar would yield economic development benefits stemming from the construction and operation of those projects, largely in rural communities. Our analysis shows that the tax revenues, land lease payments, and wages generated by these projects, in addition to their low-cost electricity, have the potential to more than offset any cost of the policy.

Planting Seeds of Opportunity in Co-op Territory

To quantify the benefits that might accrue to rural communities from a policy that facilitates co-op coal retirement and re-investment in clean energy, we developed estimates for the direct local revenues that new wind and solar projects could produce in the states where the coal was retired based on our Seeds of Opportunity report methodology. The analysis uses the capacity expansion model from UC-Berkeley and GridLab’s 2035 Report to estimate the share of wind and solar projects that would be built in a particular state, as well as the report’s state-level capacity factors for wind and solar.

While we assumed full generation replacement with wind and solar, the economic development benefits could vary based on the actual choices co-ops make upon retiring their coal fleets. For instance, the addition of battery storage, transmission assets, energy efficiency projects, and other clean energy technologies that might be needed could yield additional revenue streams and energy bill savings over and above what is captured here.

The coal plants captured in this analysis are at least partially owned by co-ops and extend across 23 states and 33 co-op territories. Arkansas and North Dakota, the two states with the most coal plants (five each) that might take advantage of federal policy incentives to retire, could see $4.8 billion and $4.2 billion, respectively, from replacing their co-op coal generation with new wind and solar projects.

In Ohio, retiring the 1,265 MW Cardinal coal plant could spur over 4,000 MW of wind and solar project development, contributing nearly $2 billion in revenues to the state’s rural economy. Florida’s even larger Seminole coal plant, should it utilize federal policy incentives to retire, could pave the way for 4,400 MW of solar projects that would generate $2.3 billion in economic development to rural parts of the state.

The map and table below illustrate the location of all coal plants with a share of co-op ownership and the new wind and solar capacity that would be needed to offset each plant’s 2019 annual generation. We then show the economic development that these projects would produce over the course of their lifetimes.

Click image for full table as PDF.

We recognize that coal plant retirements raise questions about maintaining the reliability of the local electric grid. The wind and solar replacement capacity modeled here indicates what would be needed to fully replace the annual generation of the retiring coal, but of course, the grid reliability considerations are more complex.

In some cases, the co-op territory or region may have excess capacity on the system, which is a fairly prevalent characteristic of regional grids, as we document in a recent white paper. This makes replacement capacity unnecessary. In other cases, the co-op may need new capacity as well as other grid resources such as flexible demand or storage to maintain system reliability. These solutions will be developed on a co-op-by-co-op basis — what is shown here is the local economic upside that any new renewables capacity would bring.

Co-ops Can Be Renewable Energy Leaders

Co-ops are poised to play a leading role in enabling rural America to reap the benefits of wind and solar development. Federal policy that unlocks this potential is likely to see a strong return on investment in the form of jobs and revenues flowing to rural residents, landowners, and communities.

A $10 billion investment to support co-ops’ energy transition efforts as contemplated in the Biden Administration’s American Jobs Plan would yield just over $50 billion in wind and solar-induced economic development revenues — benefits five times greater than the cost of the policy. Coupled with the lower operating cost of renewable energy and transition support to impacted communities, a modest federal incentive could provide outsized economic benefits to rural communities and position cooperatives to be renewable energy leaders.


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Daily EV Recap: 10,000 ton electric container ship

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Daily EV Recap: 10,000 ton electric container ship

Listen to a recap of the top stories of the day from Electrek. Quick Charge is now available on Apple PodcastsSpotifyTuneIn and our RSS feed for Overcast and other podcast players.

New episodes of Quick Charge are recorded Monday through Thursday and again on Saturday. Subscribe to our podcast in Apple Podcast or your favorite podcast player to guarantee new episodes are delivered as soon as they’re available.

Stories we discuss in this episode (with links)

Joby completes pre-production eVTOL testing, segues into production prototype flight certification

A fully-electric 10,000 ton container ship has begun service equipped with over 50,000 kWh in batteries

This German startup is pioneering recyclable wooden wind turbine blades

US updates EV tax credit rules, enabling more electric cars to be eligible

Watch this autonomous excavator build a 215 foot retaining wall

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Daily EV Recap: 10,000 ton electric container ship

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Republicans introduce bill that would hand US EV lead to China

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Republicans introduce bill that would hand US EV lead to China

Republicans have introduced a bill to eliminate the US EV tax credit in the Inflation Reduction Act, with the effect of slowing US progress on EV manufacturing, thus handing the lead in EV manufacturing to China.

How the Inflation Reduction Act helps American health, economy & manufacturing

The Inflation Reduction Act included hundreds of billions of dollars of climate spending, much of which was allocated to EV tax credits, both for personal and commercial vehicles. These credits were an extension and expansion of the $7,500 EV tax credit first introduced in 2008.

But those credits were limited to 200,000 cars per manufacturer, a cap which some manufacturers had hit and more were going to hit. So the Inflation Reduction Act improved access to those credits, removing the cap and setting up a way for the credits to be available upfront at the point of sale, meaning that lower-income buyers can qualify for the credits and get them immediately instead of waiting to file their taxes.

However, it limited the credits in some important ways as well – namely, by ensuring domestic production of electric vehicles in order to qualify, and setting limits on high-income buyers so the credits go to people who need them rather than those who don’t.

It also added a $4,000 used EV tax credit, which is limited to even lower income groups.

There are ways around some of these limitations and some restrictions have been loosened to allow industry to catch up. But these restrictions have nevertheless fueled a renaissance in American auto manufacturing, with many manufacturers announcing new factory investments in the US.

In fact, since President Biden started his EV push, oer $210 billion has been invested in new or expanded factory projects, which will create EV 250,000 jobs, with more to come.

These commitments stand to make the US into an EV manufacturing powerhouse – we’re already doing pretty well in EV production, largely led by Tesla. But Chinese EV production and demand are rising rapidly and automakers are waffling in the face of it – so government must be clear that we are committed to building this industry long-term.

The IRA also represents the largest climate commitment made by any country in the world, ever, by dollar value. The hundreds of billions of dollars allocated, largely to EV-related tax credits but also to many other climate programs, are a commitment still unmatched by any other country. As an added bonus, the bill actually brings in more revenue than it costs due to tax reforms targeting wealthy corporate and individual tax cheats.

Republicans are lying about their bill’s effects

So, no wonder that republicans, a party that seems to actively oppose anything that would benefit American manufacturing or the environment that Americans live in, would introduce an act to eliminate much of the benefit from the Inflation Reduction Act.

The new act, fittingly called the “ELITE” Vehicles Act (surely named for republicans’ elite fossil fuel donors which it aims to benefit at the expense of everyone else), aims to eliminate the clean vehicle credit for new, used, and commercial electric vehicles.

The act was introduced by John Barrasso, a republican senator from Wyoming who has received $526,425 from the oil & gas industry in this senate election cycle. Not only that, but Wyoming’s main industries are all tied to oil, putting the lie to the assertion that this act is intended to do anything more than benefit an industry which is responsible for millions of deaths per year.

The act’s advocates say that IRA credits – which are limited to lower-income buyers, particularly the used EV credit – are a giveaway to the wealthy (who don’t qualify for them), and that the credits allow Chinese EVs into the US (which they in fact explicitly disallow through the domestic manufacturing provisions mentioned above).

Notably, the act doesn’t do anything to get rid of the $760 billion in subsidies received by polluting industry each year in the US. This could be done through making polluters pay for the pollution they cause. If subsidy elimination were the act’s main concern, then that’s a rather big target that the act ignores – because, of course, the fossil fuel industry wouldn’t like it if their free license to harm the health of Americans were revoked.

The actual effect of rolling back these credits would be to make EVs less affordable for Americans, to ensure that those same Americans have more misery forced on them by pollution from the industry that bribes Barrasso, and to discourage American EV manufacturing and consumer uptake which would have the effect of handing over the lead in global EV manufacturing to China.

How Chinese auto benefits and the US is harmed by repealing the EV credit

Chinese EV manufacturing and consumer demand are both currently skyrocketing, and China is rapidly increasing exports of EVs to overseas markets – particularly Europe at the moment.

But Chinese companies would love to sell EVs in the US, and would likely love to see the government tack $7,500 onto the price of US-built EVs, which would only make Chinese-built EVs much more competitive to the pocketbooks of the American consumer. Barrasso’s bill would do exactly that – make Chinese EVs more competitive, and the US auto industry less so.

And since EVs provide local air quality benefits, which stands to reason and which we’ve already seen in areas with high penetration, reducing EV adoption would also make Americans sicker and fill up American hospitals more.

While Barrasso claims that the bill would do the opposite of the things that it would actually do, it’s hard to believe that anyone would be ignorant enough to believe it would actually have the effects he claims. We don’t think that even he thinks that – we think he’s just playing politics, and saying whatever will make his fossil overlords happy.

In short, John Barrasso, author of the act, is lying to protect the industry that bribes him.

So far, the act has only been introduced in the Senate, and has not made it through committee or to a vote. It is sponsored by 19 republican senators, many of whom come from states with significant oil industry presence. If somehow passed, it would almost certainly be vetoed by President Biden, so it is not likely to make it into law under the current government (though that could change in November, which is something to keep in mind when filling out your ballots).

But even if it doesn’t make it into law, it still functions as a way for republicans to show their intent – to cost you money, to harm your health, and to hand the keys of the future of the auto industry over to the country which the US considers its main geopolitical rival.

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Daily EV Recap: 10,000 ton electric container ship

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Record number of EV chargers installed in the UK last quarter

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Record number of EV chargers installed in the UK last quarter

A record number of public electric vehicle charging stations were installed in the UK this quarter, as charging companies struggle to keep up with the growing number of plugin cars on British roads.

Almost 6,000 new EV chargers were installed in the UK during the first three months of 2024, according to quarterly figures from data company Zapmap and published by the UK’s Department for Transport. Approx. 25% (about 1500) were DC fast chargers.

There were nearly 60,000 public vehicle chargers energized and active in the UK as of April 1st, up nearly 49% compared to 2023 and nearly 2x the number of public chargers available in 2022. Ben Nelmes, CEO of automotive think tank New AutoMotive, says the recent expansion of the UK’s electric vehicle charging infrastructure has brought public charging to areas that had previously been poorly served. This is thanks, in part, to local governments gradually taking advantage of central government grants to put more EV chargers in the ground.

“I think there is a coming together of two things,” Nelmes told The Guardian. “Some of the barriers have been mitigated. And the private sector has woken up to the opportunity.”

Another tidbit from that Guardian article was a survey conducted by the Electric Vehicle Association of some of the UK’s one million plus EV drivers. The survey found that only 6% of EV drivers in England reported experiencing range anxiety either very often or fairly often, while 94% of EV drivers said they had range anxiety occasionally, rarely, or never.

Electrek’s Take

Electric Cab London
The all-electric TX Black Cab: Credit: LEVC

More than half of the more than 15,000 famous London “black cabs” are now electrified (effectively EVs with range-extending ICEs on board), with the majority of London’s largest taxi and minicab services committed to operating fully electrified fleets by 2025.

Let that serve as your gentle reminder that EV sales are down, except at Ford, Cadillac, GMC, Kia, Hyundai, Toyota, Nissan, Honda, Acura, Volvo, Chrysler, etc. …

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Daily EV Recap: 10,000 ton electric container ship

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