RIYADH, SAUDI ARABIA – JULY 19: (—-EDITORIAL USE ONLY â MANDATORY CREDIT – ” ROYAL COURT OF SAUDI ARABIA / HANDOUT” – NO MARKETING NO ADVERTISING CAMPAIGNS – DISTRIBUTED AS A SERVICE TO CLIENTS—-) Crown Prince of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (L) meets with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman (2nd L) within his visit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on July 19, 2021. (Photo by Royal Court of Saudi Arabia/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Anadolu Agency | Anadolu Agency | Getty Images
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — The unexpected rift between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates within OPEC in early July came as a shock to many in the Gulf region and those watching from abroad.
The dispute over oil production levels temporarily froze the group’s ability to lay out their plans for the markets, sending crude prices upward. But it wasn’t the first appearance of tension between the Arab neighbors and longtime close allies, and likely will not be the last, experts who’ve long been watching the region say.
“What is happening here is these are the two biggest economies in the region, in the Arab world,” Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a political science professor in the UAE, told CNBC. “And as Saudi Arabia wants to reform its economy, privatize, etc, there is bound to be competition between them.”
“Competition between the two biggest Arab economies is, I think, just starting,” Abdulla said. “And it is bound to intensify in the days to come.”
Conflicting interests
The strategic alignment between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, both of which have become increasingly active on the world stage, is evident in many areas. And it’s often associated with what is said to be a close relationship — some have even called it a “bromance” — between Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his Emirati counterpart Mohammed bin Zayed.
But conflicting interests have cropped up in recent months that preceded the OPEC rift. In February, Saudi Arabia announced that its government would cease doing business with any international companies whose regional headquarters were not based within the kingdom by 2024. The move was widely seen as targeting Dubai, the Middle East’s current headquarters hub.
Bahrain Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, U.S. President Donald Trump and UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan (L to R) attend a signing ceremony for the agreements on “normalization of relations” reached between Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain at the White House in Washington.
The White House | Shealah Craighead | Anadolu Agency | Getty Images
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — The UAE last year announced a normalization deal with Israel, becoming the first Gulf country to do so, while Saudi Arabia has so far publicly refused to do the same. Saudi Arabia meanwhile has been working on a tentative rapprochement with rival Sunni power Turkey, with which the UAE has significant tensions as Ankara supports an Islamist ideology that Emirati leaders see as a threat.
And the two Gulf powers had some diverging interests in the war in Yemen, despite being on the same side, with the Saudis supporting an Islamist party distrusted by the UAE and Abu Dhabi supporting separatist tribes that did not align with Riyadh’s goals. The UAE drew down its military activity in Yemen in 2019, while Riyadh remains embroiled in the conflict.
“It has been a common assumption that the UAE and Saudi Arabia have effectively indistinguishable worldviews and interests — that the UAE is sort of an appendage or dependency of Saudi Arabia,” Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, wrote in a blog post in July. “That has never been the case.”
Economic consequences
In early July, Saudi Arabia upped the ante by ending preferential tariffs for goods made in free zones or affiliated with Israeli manufacturers, also seen as a direct shot at the UAE, which is the free zone hub of the region. The move was followed by waves of patriotic Saudis launching a campaign via Twitter to boycott Emirati goods.
This came despite the fact that the UAE is Saudi Arabia’s second-largest trading partner after China by import value.
“The idea once was to create a GCC market, but now there’s the realization that the priorities of Saudi Arabia and the UAE are very different,” Amir Khan, senior economist at Saudi National Bank, told Reuters in July. “This regulation is putting flesh on the bone of these political divergences,” Khan said.
So, where do things go from here?
An OPEC deal was reached in mid-July, and the Saudi and Emirati energy ministers praised each other and the work of the group of oil producers. Still, economic competition — at a time where returns for oil-producing nations are extremely volatile — isn’t set to go away anytime soon.
“We’re coming out of this pandemic where every country in the world needs to figure out a way to economically recover,” Tobias Borck, a research fellow specializing in Gulf affairs at the Royal United Services Institute in London, told CNBC. “But for the Gulf monarchies, especially for Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia, that is compounded by the fact that they are also under pressure to figure out a way to transform their economies and get away from relying on oil.”
“In that environment, quite frankly, everyone is going to look after number one,” Borck continued. “And for all the genuine friendship and continued pragmatic alignment, when it comes to economic matters, at some point that friendship ends and it becomes about looking after yourself.”
A ‘collision course’
For the Emirati professor Abdulla, “rivalry is too strong of a term” to describe what’s going on between the two countries.
“It could be a controlled, managed, friendly competition,” he told CNBC. “Or it could get out of hand, and we will see it intensify in the months and years to come. We are still in the first five minutes of the competition. We don’t know how it is going to evolve — and it might have some impact on the political issues that bind the two countries together, some political spillover.”
“There are clearly multiple areas where they are on a collision course in the economic sphere,” Borck said. “You’ve now sort of put your position out, and at the moment, those positions are on a collision course. Whether they’re going to remain so? We’ll see.”
Zion National Park’s shuttle fleet has become one of the first bus fleets in the US to go all electric, and the first at a National Park.
Zion National Park in Southern Utah is renowned for its colorful canyons and arches, and is one of the “mighty five” national parks in the region showing off Utah’s natural beauty.
The park, which is largely situated around a narrow canyon, started getting more and more visitors in the 1990s, leading to traffic issues. This led the park to close off most park roads to private traffic, and institute a shuttle system to bring visitors through the canyon and back and forth from the town of Springdale just outside the park.
Those buses went into service in 2000, and helped to revitalize the park by reducing noise and pollution from traffic, which are always a scourge in beautiful natural areas.
“The remarks we got from visitors in the very first summer were fantastic. They said, ‘You have given us back the canyon.’ They said, ‘We can hear the birds sing and the air is fresh.’ No longer were the traffic jams fouling the air, impacting the soundscape, and diminishing the visitor experience.”
Jeff Bradybaugh, Zion National Park Superintendent
However, those buses ran on propane, so they were still noisy and contribute to the degradation of natural environments due to their use of fossil fuels.
Now, Zion has upgraded its entire fleet to all-electric buses, rather than the previous propane buses, becoming the first fleet at any National Park to do so.
The fleet includes 30 all-electric buses to replace the 39 previous propane buses. The new buses are more spacious, quieter, and include air conditioning and better disability accommodations, which the previous buses did not have.
Best of all, they’re also more efficient, and therefore contribute less to the climate change that has made Zion’s summer days hotter and hotter (as humans apparently refuse to stop poisoning the only home we have).
The fleet’s full conversion was announced this week, but the buses have already been operating and shuttling visitors. Over Labor Day weekend, they shuttled 97,000 riders through the park – saving a huge amount of car trips, exhaust, and noise that would have otherwise been required. Zion says each shuttle replaces 29 cars on its roads.
The buses were largely funded by the US Department of Transportation through a grant program for nationally significant federal lands.
While this is the first National Park bus fleet to go all-electric, the National Park Service is working to transition other large bus fleets, like those at Grand Canyon, Acadia, Yosemite, Bryce Canyon, and Harpers Ferry, to all-electric buses. This is all part of the Biden-Harris administration’s commitment to shift the entire federal fleet to electric vehicles.
And Zion hopes that it can serve as a role model for other bus fleets, whether federal or otherwise, and show how successful an all-electric bus fleet can be at reducing both air and noise pollution. “This is the state-of-the-art electric bus fleet in the country. It is going to set a standard for other national parks” said Robin Carnahan, administrator of the General Services Administration.
To reduce your carbon footprint and live more sustainably, consider going solar. EnergySage is a free service that connects you with trusted, reputable installers in your area – without having to give up your phone number until you select an installer. Your personalized solar quotes are easy to compare online and you’ll get access to unbiased Energy Advisors to help you every step of the way through EnergySage. Get started today! – ad*
FTC: We use income earning auto affiliate links.More.
The mad scientists over at Critical have taken a high-torque electric motor from an obscure motorcycle brand, stuffed it into a go-kart chassis, and created a life-altering wheelie machine that is truly and completely bonkers.
Critical is a YouTube channel and Instagram that does all sorts of crazy powersports stuff, and this latest build has to be one of their craziest yet.
“I’v [sic] taken apart a STARK VARG electric Motocross (80 Horsepowers, 938 Nm Torque) and placed the power train in a Go Kart,” reads Critical‘s video description – and, if you’ve ever spent real time in a proper racing kart, you already know how crazy/awesome that sounds.
Our own Micah Toll covered the STARK VARG donor vehicle back in 2021, calling the bikes revolutionary, “with specs that crush gas bikes.” And, while STARK hasn’t made much noise since, its massively powerful electric motors (at least) proved not to be vaporware! But, while the motor is interesting and the video is fun in a Song of the Sausage Creature kind of way, the kart’s not the real story here.
There’s a bigger story here than a 700 lb-ft kart, though (938 Nm = 691 lb-ft). And it’s playing out over at Dodge, come to think of it. And at drag strips all over America. Heck, even the Hemi faithful and the hillclimbers and the import tuner scenesters understands what’s coming – and that’s this: if you want to go fast, really, truly, pants-s**ttingly fast, you need to start taking electric power seriously.
That’s more than enough opining from me, though. Click play on that video up there, and revel in the smoke-free madness.
Khalid Al-Falih, Saudi Arabia’s investment minister, during the Bloomberg New Economy Forum in Singapore, on Wednesday, Nov. 8, 2023.
Bloomberg | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Saudi Minister of Investment Khalid al-Falih pushed back against skepticism over the country’s economic diversification plan, as Riyadh touts “green shoring” investment opportunities to woo foreign financing.
“There was many people who doubted the vision, the ambition, how broad and deep and comprehensive it is, and whether the development of a country like KSA who is so dependent for so many decades on a commodity business like oil would be able to do what we are aspiring to do with Vision 2030,” al-Falih told CNBC’s Steve Sedgwick on Saturday at the Ambrosetti Forum in Cernobbio, Italy.
One of the largest economies in the Middle East and a key U.S. ally in the region, Saudi Arabia has been shoring up investments in a bid to materialize Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 economic diversification program, which spans 14 giga-projects, including the Neom industrial complex.
Under this initiative, Riyadh seeks to pivot away from its historical dependence on oil revenues — which the International Monetary Fund now sees rising until 2026, before starting to descend — and hopes to draw financial flows in the domestic economy exceeding $3 trillion, as well as push foreign domestic investment to $100 billion a year by 2030.
The Saudi minister on Saturday said that, eight years into manifesting Vision 2030, the kingdom is now “more committed, more determined” to the program and has already implemented or is about to complete 87% of its targets. Critics of the plan have previously questioned whether Riyadh will successfully deliver on its goals by its stated deadline.
In recent years, the kingdom has been attempting to liberalize its market and improve its business environment with reforms to its investment and labor laws — but has also formulated less popular requirements for companies to set up their regional headquarters in Saudi Arabia to access government contracts.
The number of foreign investment licenses issued in Saudi Arabia nearly doubled in 2023, the IMF noted, with government data pointing to a 5.6% annual increase in net flows of foreign direct investment in the first quarter.
Concerns have nevertheless lingered over the potential uncertainty and unpredictability of the kingdom’s legal framework and its dispute resolution system for foreign investment. Al-Falih insisted that Saudi Arabia boasts predictability, as well as domestic political and economic stability.
‘Green shoring’
The Saudi investment minister said that part of Riyadh’s offering to foreign investors is the Saudi-coined initiative of “green shoring,” which seeks to decarbonize supply chains in areas with renewable energy resources.
“Green shoring is basically saying you need to do more of the high energy processing [and] manufacturing value add in areas where the materials, as well as the energy, are [located],” al-Falih said, adding that Saudi Arabia has the logistics, capital and infrastructure to achieve this.
Under Vision 2030, the world’s largest oil exporter aims to achieve net-zero emissions by 2060. Along with its neighbor, the United Arab Emirates — which hosted the 2023 gathering of the annual U.N. Conference of the Parties — Riyadh has been a high-profile presence at climate summits, but has still drawn questions over its commitment to decarbonization.
Riyadh — along with other members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries oil alliance — has repeatedly called for the simultaneous use of hydrocarbons and green resources in order to avoid energy shortages throughout the global transition to net-zero emissions.
Some climate activists have also criticized Saudi Arabia’s promotion of solutions like carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies as a smokescreen to push ahead with its lucrative oil business.
As part of “green shoring,” Saudi Arabia sets out to “address global supply chain resilience issues” and “build a new global economy that is certainly moving more electric, as we bring the copper, as we bring the lithium, the cobalt, the other critical materials, rare earth metals, as we address semiconductor shortages, green fertilizers, green chemicals,” al-Falih stressed.