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Proponents of the ongoing push for national industrial policy, whether they come from the left or the right, frequently argue that we need to promote certain sectors or technologies to create a manufacturing boom. This boom, we’re told, is necessary to create more high-paying jobs. But I beg to differ. Industrial policy isn’t and shouldn’t be primarily about creating jobs. Its primary purpose, if it should exist at all, lies elsewhere.

The ultimate objective of an economy is not to provide jobs per se, but to improve overall living standards. This happens with an ever-increasing availability of quality goods and services that people voluntarily purchase to enrich their lives. Good jobs are a means to this end; they are not the end itself. This reality is easily proven by asking someone who loves his job if he’d continue to do it if it paid nothing. Virtually everyone’s honest answer would be no.

Now, don’t get me wrong: This requires spending power, and employment is how most of us get that, so the value of employment as a means is high. But it’s still a means. If new jobs were truly the only ends, the government could simply pay one-half of the population to produce outputs and pay the other half to destroy those outputs.

Obviously, any plausible justification for industrial policy must include more than job creation. Interventions are often done in the name of national security. This, for example, is the point of the CHIPS Act, which allocates over $50 billion in subsidies to reshore the production of semiconductors away from Taiwan in the event that China decides to invade its neighbor.

Leaving aside the fact that national security is too often and too easily used to justify economic interventions that have little to do with foreign threats, the argument reveals why industrial policy is no tool of job creation.

Think about it this way: Government favoritism in the form of subsidies, tariffs, and other interventions allocates resources (labor and capital) differently than the way resources are allocated by consumers spending their own money. Ordinarily, businessesspending their investors’ moneycompete for these consumer dollars. Industrial policy rests on the assumption that such market outcomes don’t adequately support higher causes such as national security. If that’s true, it’s all the justification industrial policy needs. Nothing needs to be said about jobs.

Nor should it. I’m skeptical that industrial policy will really spark a manufacturing boom in the first place. First, subsidies, tax credits, and government loans often end up paying firms to do what they were already doing. In addition, government favors tend to reallocate resources politically and not in ways that truly further the national interest. That means shifting resources away from some non-subsidized businesses toward subsidized ones, independently of their economic merit.

Second, the United States doesn’t make these decisions in a vacuum. As Scott Foster explains in the Asia Times, “the globalization of production capacity and new technology development is accelerating away from the United States,” in part because “Europe, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan want to keep their leading-edge technologies at home.”

Finally, the Biden administration’s generous subsidies often come with complications like requiring firms to provide expensive child care or buy American. And to stay friends with European governments, the administration eased requirements that to be eligible for Inflation Reduction Act incentives, electric vehicles should be assembled in North America and exclude critical mineral or battery components from “foreign entities of concern” (i.e., China).

Even if today’s industrial policy does trigger an industrial boom, we shouldn’t expect a corresponding manufacturing job boom. As Noah Smith reminded his readers in a recent blog post, “Most of the actual production work will be done by robots, because we are a rich country with very high labor costs and lots of abundant capital and technology. Automated manufacturing is what we specialize in, not labor-intensive manufacturing.”

The best job creation policy is a strong economy. The government should be content to create a level playing field with transparent rules and strong protection of property and contract rights. Of course, it should also supply public goods like infrastructure and ensure a stable legal system.

Be wary of those who push industrial policy as a means of job creation. It’s a short-sighted approach that distracts us from the more important question, which is whether hindering the market allocation of resources is truly justified for national security or other valid reasons.

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Hageman video fuels Senate chatter as Lummis leaves Wyoming seat open

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Hageman video fuels Senate chatter as Lummis leaves Wyoming seat open

Wyoming Representative Harriet Hageman intensified chatter about a 2026 Senate run by posting a video days after Senator Cynthia Lummis announced she will not seek reelection.

​The five-second clip shows the congresswoman alongside a single-word caption: “Soon.” It breaks a months‑long lull on her account and bolsters speculation that she is eyeing Lummis’ open seat.

Wyoming’s Senate seat has been a reliable voice in advancing regulatory clarity for the crypto industry, from market structure bills and stablecoin regulation to banking access. Whoever replaces Lummis will help decide whether crypto keeps a dedicated champion in the Senate.

Hageman’s tweet has fueled speculation that she may target Wyoming’s open crypto-focused Senate seat. Source: Harriet Hageman

A crypto ally steps down

Lummis is expected to retire at the end of her term, removing one of the digital‑asset industry’s most outspoken allies from the Senate just as lawmakers edge toward potential votes on landmark market‑structure legislation.

​Lummis has built a national profile as a reliable pro‑crypto voice, embracing Bitcoin early and co‑sponsoring legislative efforts widely viewed to advance the blockchain industry, including the Responsible Financial Innovation Act and the ongoing US Clarity Act

Her pending exit leaves the industry without a guaranteed champion in a chamber that has become increasingly central to decisions on trading‑platform oversight, stablecoin rules and banking access for crypto firms.

Related: Crypto community ‘very sorry’ over Senator Lummis’ reelection decision

​Hageman’s record and crypto’s hopes

As Wyoming’s at‑large House member, she has so far focused on broader conservative themes like parental rights in education, opposition to federal overreach and backing pro‑fossil fuel energy policies, while aligning herself with President Donald Trump. A Senate campaign would test how much she is willing to lean into Lummis’ crypto legacy alongside those priorities.

Wyoming’s crypto community is already nudging her in that direction. Caitlin Long, founder of Custodia Bank and a key architect of the state’s blockchain‑friendly laws, praised Hageman as “salt of the earth.” Long was reacting to news of Hageman’s expected entry in the race.

Introducing Harriet Hageman | Source: Caitlin Long

Related: Crypto among sectors ‘debanked’ by 9 major banks: US regulator

Long’s backing effectively introduces Hageman to crypto audiences as the preferred successor, even though the House member has not yet made digital assets a signature focus.

Wyoming’s 2026 Senate race is now poised to double as a test of whether the state wants to preserve its identity as home to the Senate’s most visible crypto advocate, or fold digital asset policy into a broader Trump‑era Republican agenda.