One of the most quoted pieces of folk wisdom is that “voters don’t like divided parties”.
The implication is that a political party which can’t keep its own house in order is unlikely to be trusted to run the country.
This month epic disunity has been on display in both the government and the opposition.
Bitter divisions have become almost routine among Conservative MPs, as they have dethroned and installed five leaders and prime ministers in just eight years.
Division in Tory ranks has undoubtedly been an electoral asset for Labour, helping to explain its massive lead in opinion polls. Now there are fears on the opposition side that heartfelt disagreements over the man-made humanitarian crisis in the Middle East could start pulling down Labour as well.
Suella Braverman slashed back at Rishi Sunak with a diatribe which included the phrases “uncertain”, “weak”, irresponsibility”, “magical thinking”, “betrayal” and “manifestly and repeatedly failed to deliver”.
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It was sharpened with the ominous wake-up call that Sunak was “rejected by a majority of party members during the summer leadership contest” and therefore had “no personal mandate to be prime minister”.
Two outspoken female Conservative MPs – Miriam Cates and Dame Andrea Jenkyns – added to the tension by asking for a ballot to express no confidence in Sunak.
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Image: Braverman lashed out at the PM in a letter published after she was sacked
Some 40 Tory MPs stirred up the internal party debate further by putting their names to a parliamentary measure paving the way to Braverman’s preferred cause of resiling from the European Convention on Human Rights.
Meanwhile, Sir Keir Starmer suffered the worst parliamentary rebellion since he was elected Labour leader in 2020.
Some 56 of his MPs defied the party whip to vote for an immediate ceasefire in the conflict between Israel and Hamas.
The Labour revolt was a token gesture on a matter of principle. In practice, it could not change what happens in the Middle East.
Neither the Israeli nor Hamas leadership will take any notice of what the opposition in the British parliament is saying about their conduct of war. Especially since the ceasefire amendment, put forward by the SNP, was heavily defeated by 293 to 125.
In keeping with the dreadful death toll in Israel, Gaza and the West Bank, the mood in the Labour Party is sombre but free of the mutual recriminations so prevalent in Conservative ranks.
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1:27
Jess Phillips quits Labour frontbench
Shadow cabinet members were making no secret of their distress at talented colleagues sacrificing potential future ministerial careers.
For senior figures it is not the first time they have confronted divided loyalties.
For example, in 2005 Tony Blair suffered a major defeat when the Commons rejected his attempt to introduce 90-day detention for terror suspects.
The punishment for some Labour rebels was five years’ purgatory for their ministerial ambitions.
In spite of his disciplinarian reputation, Starmer has not so far been so strict as Blair.
Four of the middle-ranking ministers who quit on Wednesday only got the chance to do so because they were reinstated after previously rebelling in October 2020 against authorisation for so-called undercover “spy cops” to break the law.
Labour’s revolt might have been bigger if members of the shadow cabinet did not have more than a whiff of general election victory and real power in their nostrils. Few want to miss out on a share in that.
They also know that it is important to send out the signal to the electorate that they are united and ready to share the burdens of office, including difficult decisions.
John Healey, the shadow defence secretary, put his finger on this in his media round on Thursday, repeatedly stressing: “We are behaving as we would in government, we are not a protest movement.”
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Labour is ‘not a protest party’ says MP John Healey
The New Labour government’s decision to go to war in Iraq has long haunted the party because of the failure to find weapons of mass destruction and its disastrous consequences in the region.
Ironically Starmer has now got his party into a similar state of agreeing to disagree on the current Middle East controversy – close to the Conservative position, but without the passion and internal party strife.
Back in March 2003, the vote to “use all means necessary to ensure the disarmament of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction” was genuinely consequential.
Prime Minister Blair had committed to be bound by the outcome, even though he was not legally obliged to secure backing from parliament before entering a war.
Image: Starmer is yet to be as strict as former Labour PM Blair
His government prevailed, by 412 to 125, only thanks to Tory party support. Eighty-four Labour MPs rebelled. Two ministers, Robin Cook and Clare Short, resigned from the cabinet.
Fallout from the Iraq invasion lay behind Labour’s move to the left in the 2010s.
A war-weary Ed Miliband broke with defence bipartisanship to inflict one of the major foreign policy setbacks of David Cameron’s premiership, by defeating the PM’s call to punish President Bashar al Assad militarily for the use of chemical weapons in Syria.
In 2015, Jeremy Corbyn, a prominent member of the Stop the War Coalition, was elected party leader.
In this decade Starmer has taken Labour in the opposite direction. His no-tolerance approach to perceived left-wing antisemitism resulted in the suspension of Corbyn and his close allies Diane Abbott and Andy McDonald, so disbarring them from standing again as Labour candidates.
Image: Sir Keir Starmer faced a revolt from the frontbench but his shadow cabinet remains intact
The resignations over a ceasefire mean that there are now no members of the Socialist Campaign Group in Starmer’s campaign team.
It is possible that disagreement over Israel-Hamas could turn into a debilitating sore in the Labour Party.
It is more likely that internal arguments will be overtaken by events. Key UK allies, including the US and France, are pressurising Israel to show restraint while, by some analyses, it could complete its military objectives in a matter of weeks.
In her resignation letter, former shadow Home Office minister Jess Phillips spoke for many of the Labour MPs who backed the ceasefire amendment, saying “I must vote with my constituents, my head, and my heart” but she stressed she did not feel she was rebelling against Starmer.
Rebelling may make it easier locally for some of the 56 to retain their seats at the election.
Image: Phillips will no longer serve as a shadow minister – but may more easily retain her seat
This could offset the handful of constituencies – such as in Bristol and Brighton – where Labour’s more moderate official stance could cost it support to the Greens.
In all, the impact of Labour’s disagreement has been modest so far.
Older, more centrist voters may be attracted by Starmer’s resistance to pro-Palestinian pressure. In polls taken since the conflict broke out, two-thirds of Muslim voters are continuing to support Labour and the party’s lead in voting preference is still around 20%.
Meanwhile Braverman’s histrionics and the consequent cabinet reshuffle have distracted public attention from Labour’s agonising over the marches and the ceasefire vote.
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Tory MPs, including party officials and former cabinet ministers, are continuing to argue the toss openly with each other over a wide range of policy and personnel issues.
The voters appear to have registered the different levels of disunity in both parties.
An Opinium poll this month asked whether voters agreed or disagreed that the parties were united.
Labour’s ratings were down significantly from a month earlier, from a net positive of +12 to -8.
Unsurprisingly polling for the Conservatives, who are not divided over Gaza, changed less since October.
For them the damage of disunity has already been done elsewhere on other matters. The Conservative Party’s net disunity rating worsened by just three points this month to an Arctic chill of -43.
Caerphilly is famous for three Cs: coal, cheese and its mighty castle. It’s also the birthplace of the legendary comedian Tommy Cooper.
And after Thursday’s Senedd by-election, in what was once a Labour stronghold as impregnable as the castle, it’s Plaid Cymru or Reform UK that will have the last laugh.
It may not be a Westminster by-election, but this clash will have an impact on UK politics way beyond the Welsh valleys if Nigel Farage’s party triumphs.
Image: iStock file pic
A Reform UK victory would strengthen claims that Mr Farage and his insurgents are poised to inflict massive damage on Labour and the Conservatives in elections next year and beyond.
Victory in the valleys would intensify fears among the other parties that Reform UK’s boasts about winning the next general election are not the fantasy that its opponents claim.
On a campaign visit to Caerphilly, Mr Farage – inevitably – posed for photographs in front of a 9ft tall bronze statue of Tommy Cooper, who died in 1984.
But the by-election is no laughing matter for Labour, which has seen its support in this by-election crumble like Caerphilly cheese.
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Image: Mr Farage announcing Llyr Powell as the Reform candidate earlier this year
Labour has held the Westminster seat of Caerphilly since 1918 and the Senedd seat since devolution in 1999. Ron Davies, said to be the architect of Welsh devolution, was MP from 1983 to 2001.
He was Welsh secretary under Tony Blair from 1997 until he quit over what he called a “moment of madness” in 1998 when he was mugged at knifepoint on London’s Clapham Common.
For the front-runner Reform UK, not even the conviction of its former leader in Wales, Nathan Gill, for taking pro-Russian bribes seems to have halted the march of Mr Farage’s party towards the brink of a stunning victory.
Mr Gill, who led Reform UK in Wales in 2021, admitted taking bribes to make statements in favour of Vladimir Putin’s Russia while he was a member of the European Parliament.
Questioned during a visit to Caerphilly, Mr Farage said: “Any political party can find in their midst all sorts of terrible people. Gill is particularly shocking because I knew him as a devout Christian, very clean-living, honest person. So I’m deeply shocked.”
Despite this bribery scandal, the latest opinion poll in the constituency suggested a narrow Reform UK victory, with Mr Farage’s party on 42%, Plaid Cymru on 38% and Labour languishing on a dismal 12%.
But with Labour, the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats and Green Party out of contention in a two-horse race, Reform UK’s candidate Llŷr Powell could be vulnerable to tactical voting for Plaid Cymru’s Lindsay Whittle.
Image: Ron Davies, the ‘architect of Welsh devolution’, was MP for Caerphilly. File pic: Reuters
Turnout could be crucial. A low turnout is likely to help Plaid Cymru win. A high turnout could mean Reform’s opinion poll leads, both nationally and locally, are reliable and could hand victory to Mr Farage.
But Plaid has come second in every Senedd election in Caerphilly and Mr Whittle can’t be faulted for perseverance and dogged determination. Until now, he’s had a miserable record as a candidate, both for Westminster and the Senedd.
Aged 72, he has stood in Caerphilly in every general election since 1983, no fewer than 10 times, and in every Welsh Assembly election since it was formed in 1999 – seven times.
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Dubbed “Mr Caerphilly” by his party, he was council leader and assembly member for South Wales East between 2011 and 2016.
Interviewed by Sky News back in 2003, the year of Tony Blair’s Iraq war, he said: “People are obviously very unhappy with the health service. They’re unhappy with the way the Labour Party are drifting to the right.
“They’re unhappy with the treatment of the ex-miners and their compensation claims. They’re unhappy with the treatment of the firemen. They’re unhappy that we’ve just gone to war.”
Image: The by-election could indicate how Labour will fare in future elections. Pic: Reuters
Reform UK’s Mr Powell, on the other hand, is just 30 and is relatively inexperienced as a candidate. He was a Tory candidate in local elections in Cardiff in 2022.
But he was also active in Mr Farage’s UKIP and Brexit Party and worked for the now disgraced Gill as a constituency caseworker while Gill was an MEP. He now says Mr Gill’s actions were “abhorrent” and “a betrayal”.
For Labour, despite its long dominance in Caerphilly, this campaign couldn’t have gone any worse. As well as battling against the unpopularity of both Sir Keir Starmer and the Welsh government, the council’s Labour leader, Sean Morgan, defected to Plaid Cymru during the campaign.
So, like many two-horse races, this political dash to the finishing line could be neck and neck.
Image: Pic: PA
Of Caerphilly’s three Cs, coal is long gone. The last mine, Penallta collier, closed in 1991, though there’s a proud history of coal mining.
Back in 1913, tragedy struck when the Universal Colliery in Senghenydd was the site of the UK’s worst mining accident, when 439 miners and a rescuer were killed in an explosion.
But Caerphilly could be about to make history once more, with either a massive stride forward on the road to Downing Street for Mr Farage or Labour surrendering power to the Welsh nationalists in Cardiff after more than a quarter of a century.
And, as Caerphilly’s most famous son would have said, the by-election result on Thursday night will be a pointer to politics in Wales and the whole of the UK… just like that!
The full list of candidates standing at the Caerphilly by-election
The rate of inflation remained static in September, according to official figures, which could raise prospects for interest rate cuts ahead.
The Office for National Statistics (ONS) had been expected by economists to reveal a figure of 4.1% – a level not seen since October 2023.
But the main consumer prices index (CPI) measure over the rolling 12-month period was held down by the first decline in food and non-alcoholic drinks prices since May last year, easing from 5.1% to 4.5%, and slowing costs for live events.
At 3.8%, however, the UK’s inflation rate remains the highest in the G7 – which is made up of the UK, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the US.
September’s inflation figures don’t just lay bare rising cost pressures on households and businesses currently.
They are also used to determine the uplift for the state pension in April.
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Under the triple-lock mechanism, the pension payments are set to rise in line with earnings at 4.8% as the figure is running higher than the 3.8% rate of inflation and 2.5% minimum threshold.
ONS chief economist Grant Fitzner said of the big picture: “A variety of price movements meant inflation was unchanged overall in September.
“The largest upward drivers came from petrol prices and airfares, where the fall in prices eased in comparison to last year.
“These were offset by lower prices for a range of recreational and cultural purchases including live events.”
He added that the outlook for food was uncertain as factory gate price data showed rising costs.
While lower than expected, the CPI rate still remains almost double the Bank of England’s target rate of 2%.
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Reeves: UK is ‘envy of the world’
The most recent language out of the Bank’s interest rate-setters had centred on the potential for elevated inflation to postpone prospects for more interest rate cuts.
Bank rate currently stands at 4%.
But the Bank and most economists expect inflation to have peaked, barring further economic shocks.
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The big issues facing the UK economy
The contribution from energy is likely to fall sharply next month, despite a 2% rise in bills.
As such, LSEG data showed continued caution over the prospects for a November rate cut but a flurry of activity around December. Waiting will allow the Bank to see a further set of both employment and inflation figures.
Much will also depend on core and services inflation measures, also lower than expected today, continuing that trend.
These, along with pay growth rates, are crucial bits of information for the Bank to determine whether inflation is ingrained in the economy.
Private business surveys would suggest that its efforts to get inflation down may also be helped by subdued confidence in the economy ahead of the budget next month.
There are widespread fears of big tax rises ahead to fill a void, estimated at up to £30bn, in the public finances.
Borrowing figures released on Tuesday showed government borrowing in the financial year to date £7.2bn above the level forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility.
At the same time, tax receipts were up almost 10% in September compared to the same month in 2024.
Chancellor Rachel Reeves is being urged to act in a way that does not risk fanning the flames of inflation after businesses passed on higher employment costs imposed months after her first budget.
She said of the inflation data: “I am not satisfied with these numbers. For too long, our economy has felt stuck, with people feeling like they are putting in more and getting less out.
“That needs to change. All of us in government are responsible for supporting the Bank of England in bringing inflation down. I am determined to ensure we support people struggling with higher bills and the cost of living challenges, deliver economic growth and build an economy that works for, and rewards, working people.”