Mohamed Fayed’s casual relationship with the truth held back his business achievements
Little has been heard from Mohamed Fayed during the last decade.
He sold Harrods to Qatar Holdings as long ago as May 2010 and his other main trophy asset in the UK, Fulham FC, was offloaded to the US businessman Shahid Khan in July 2013.
That latter deal brought down the curtain on a controversial – to say the least – career during which he had been a prominent figure in British business for nearly 30 years.
Read more:
Fayed’s death announced aged 94
Fayed (he added the honorific ‘al’ to his name, despite having no right to, after he arrived in the UK in the 1960s) remains best known to the general public for the relationship his late son, Dodi, enjoyed with Diana, Princess of Wales and for the corrupt payments he made to MPs to ask questions on his behalf in parliament.
Before that, though, the Egyptian tycoon had become a notorious figure in the City and in British business circles for his unorthodox approach and his somewhat casual relationship with the truth.
Many people, including some who should have known better, bought the story that this son of a primary school teacher was, in fact, the expensively educated scion of one of Egypt’s richest shipping families – although he did, in the end, accumulate a fortune the size of which was never entirely clear.
Founding his fortune
That fortune was founded on his early dealings with Adnan Khashoggi, a wealthy Saudi arms dealer, whose sister he married and later divorced.
After working for Khashoggi, his ability as a deal-maker drew him to the attention of the Sultan of Brunei, for whom he worked for a while and under whom he accumulated sufficient wealth to acquire a shipping agency.
He later sought to establish an oil production business in Haiti, posing as a Kuwaiti sheikh, before the samples he had hoped might be crude oil turned out to be molasses.
He eventually had to flee the island after falling out with its monstrous dictator ‘Papa Doc’ Duvalier.
After acting as a middleman in more deals in the Middle East, Fayed pitched up in London, again posing as an Arab sheikh and setting himself up in an apartment on Park Lane.
Many were taken in by him. He and his brother, Ali, had sufficient funds or backing by 1978 to buy the Ritz hotel in Paris for $30m.
The nastiest and dirtiest takeover battles in history
What really put him on the map though, so far as the City was concerned, was the saga which began in November 1984 and which turned into one of the nastiest and dirtiest takeover battles in history.
The mining conglomerate Lonrho, which owned a sprawling portfolio of assets across the world but primarily in Africa, had for years been trying to buy Harrods – then owned by the House of Fraser department store chain.
Its chief executive, Roland “Tiny” Rowland, had built a 29.9% stake in House of Fraser as a prelude to a takeover bid for the company – which was referred to the old Monopolies & Mergers Commission by Margaret Thatcher’s government.
Mr Rowland, who had been famously dubbed “the unacceptable face of capitalism” by the former prime minister Edward Heath, knew the referral could be tricky.
So he hit on the wheeze of “parking” the stake with the Fayed brothers.
Unfortunately for him, he was double-crossed by Mohamed who, backed by the Sultan of Brunei, used the stake to launch a £615m takeover bid of his own.
He acquired the business and, in the process, deprived Mr Rowland of a treasured asset he had been stalking for the best part of a decade.
An enraged Mr Rowland waged a campaign against him thereafter to obtain revenge on the ‘”phoney pharaoh”.
The Department of Trade & Industry investigated the takeover and, when Mr Rowland obtained a leaked copy of its report, he published it in March 1989 in a special midweek edition of The Observer, the world’s oldest Sunday newspaper, which was at the time owned by Lonrho.
The DTI report pulled no punches.
A ruined reputation
In their most damning line, the DTI inspectors said the Fayeds had “dishonestly misrepresented their origins, their wealth, their business interests and their resources to the secretary of state, the Office of Fair Trading, the press, the House of Fraser board, House of Fraser shareholders and their own advisers”.
It forever ruined Fayed’s reputation and, arguably, ensured that he was never given the British passport he craved for so many years.
Two years later, in an unprecedented move, the Bank of England forced the Fayed brothers to relinquish control of Harrods Bank after deciding they were not fit and proper people to run a deposit-taking institution.
However, despite Mr Rowland’s best efforts, Mr Fayed retained control of Harrods.
He gave up his fight in 1993 when, just before Christmas, he and Fayed publicly embraced in the Harrods food hall.
Months later, Mr Fayed floated House of Fraser on the stock market, but kept Harrods.
Harrods
Troubled time at Harrods
The first two decades of his ownership of the department store were troubled.
Profits fell and Fayed was variously accused of electronically eavesdropping on employees and of firing minority employees with no cause.
Mr Rowland also alleged that papers he had kept in a security box at Harrods had been stolen and, while the police never charged anyone, damages were ultimately paid to Mr Rowland’s widow.
By the turn of the century, the business was in a bad way, with Mr Fayed’s management style ensuring a vast turnover of top management.
Between 2000 and 2002, Harrods lost no fewer than 12 directors, while between 2000 and 2005 it got through five managing directors.
Meanwhile the store itself, in the eyes of critics, degenerated into a “vulgar Egyptian theme park”.
Fayed finally got it right when, in March 2006, he poached Michael Ward, a retailer-turned-private equity executive, from Apax to fill the vacant post of Harrods managing director.
It was a fine and shrewd appointment.
During his first year in charge, Mr Ward increased annual profits at the business by 152% and, crucially, found a way of working with the owner.
Shortly after the Qatari takeover, in 2010, Mr Ward – who stayed with Harrods under its Qatari owners and propelled it to record annual sales and profits several times since – explained to the Sunday Times: “Once trust was established he was a very good person to work with. The problem, historically, was that nobody managed to cross that barrier.”
Interestingly, while Fayed sold both Harrods and Fulham, he never relinquished control of the Paris Ritz, the trophy asset he held on to longer than any other despite the fact that, for long periods of his ownership, it was heavily loss-making.
It will be interesting to see whether his heirs choose to cash in on this most valuable of properties after his death.
Business
Donald Trump’s tariffs will have consequences for globalisation, the US economy and geopolitics
For decades, trade and trade policy has been an economic and political backwater – decidedly boring, seemingly uncontroversial.
Trade was mostly free and getting freer, tariffs were getting lower and lower, and the world was becoming more, not less, globalised.
But alongside those long-term trends, there were some serious consequences.
Trump latest: US president announces sweeping global trade tariffs
Mature, developed economies like the UK and US became ever more reliant on cheap imports from China and, in the process, saw their manufacturing sectors shrink.
Large swathes of the rust belt in the US – and much of the Midlands and North of England – were hollowed out.
And to some extent that’s where the story of Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” really began – with the notion that free trade and globalisation had a darker side, a side he wants to remedy via tariffs.
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Trump’s tariffs: Ed Conway analysis
He imposed a set of tariffs in his first term, some on China, some on specific materials like steel and aluminium. But the height and the breadth of those tariffs were as nothing compared with the ones we have just heard about.
Not since the 1930s has the US so radically increased the level of tariffs on all nations across the world. Back then, those tariffs exacerbated the Great Depression.
It’s anyone’s guess as to what the consequences of these ones will be. But there will be consequences.
Consequences for the nature of globalisation, consequences for the US economy (tariffs are exceptionally inflationary), consequences for geopolitics.
Imports from the UK will face a 10% tariff, while EU goods will see 20% rates. Pic: Reuters
And to some extent, merely knowing that little bit more about the White House’s plans will deliver a bit of relief to financial markets, which have fretted for months about the imposition of tariffs. That uncertainty recently reached unprecedented levels.
But don’t for a moment assume that this saga is over. Nothing of the sort. In the coming days, we will learn more – more about the nuts and bolts of these policies, more about the retaliatory measures coming from other countries.
We will, possibly, get more of a sense about whether some countries – including the UK – will enjoy reprieves from the tariffs.
To paraphrase Churchill, this isn’t the end of the trade war, or even the beginning of the end – perhaps just the end of the beginning.
Donald Trump has announced a 10% trade tariff on all imports from the UK – as he unleashed sweeping tariffs across the globe.
Speaking at a White House event entitled “Make America Wealthy Again”, the president held up a chart detailing the worst offenders – which also showed the new tariffs the US would be imposing.
“This is Liberation Day,” he told a cheering audience of supporters, while hitting out at foreign “cheaters”.
Follow live: Trump tariffs latest
He claimed “trillions” of dollars from the “reciprocal” levies he was imposing on others’ trade barriers would provide relief for the US taxpayer and restore US jobs and factories.
Mr Trump said the US has been “looted, pillaged, raped, plundered” by other nations.
Pic: AP
His first tariff announcement was a 25% duty on all car imports from midnight – 5am on Thursday, UK time.
Mr Trump confirmed the European Union would face a 20% reciprocal tariff on all other imports. China’s rate was set at 34%.
The UK’s rate of 10% was perhaps a shot across the bows over the country’s 20% VAT rate, though the president’s board suggested a 10% tariff imbalance between the two nations.
It was also confirmed that further US tariffs were planned on some individual sectors including semiconductors, pharmaceuticals and critical mineral imports.
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Trump’s tariffs explained
The ramping up of duties promises to be painful for the global economy. Tariffs on steel and aluminium are already in effect.
The UK government signalled there would be no immediate retaliation.
Business and Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds said: “We will always act in the best interests of UK businesses and consumers. That’s why, throughout the last few weeks, the government has been fully focused on negotiating an economic deal with the United States that strengthens our existing fair and balanced trading relationship.
“The US is our closest ally, so our approach is to remain calm and committed to doing this deal, which we hope will mitigate the impact of what has been announced today.
“We have a range of tools at our disposal and we will not hesitate to act. We will continue to engage with UK businesses including on their assessment of the impact of any further steps we take.
“Nobody wants a trade war and our intention remains to secure a deal. But nothing is off the table and the government will do everything necessary to defend the UK’s national interest.”
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Who showed up for Trump’s tariff address?
The EU has pledged to retaliate, which is a problem for Northern Ireland.
Should that scenario play out, the region faces the prospect of rising prices because all its imports are tied to EU rules under post-Brexit trading arrangements.
It means US goods shipped to Northern Ireland would be subject to the EU’s reprisals.
The impact of a trade war would be expected to be widely negative, with tit-for-tat tariffs risking job losses, a ramping up of prices and cooling of global trade.
Research for the Institute for Public Policy Research has suggested more than 25,000 direct jobs in the UK car manufacturing industry alone could be at risk from the tariffs on car exports to the US.
The Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders (SMMT) had said the tariff costs could not be absorbed by manufacturers and may lead to a review of output.
The tariffs now on UK exports pose a big risk to growth and the so-called headroom Chancellor Rachel Reeves was forced to restore to the public finances at the spring statement, risking further spending cuts or tax rises ahead to meet her fiscal rules.
Read more:
What do Trump’s tariffs mean for the UK?
The rewards and risks for US as trade war intensifies
A member of the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), David Miles, told MPs on Tuesday that US tariffs at 20% or 25% maintained on the UK for five years would “knock out all the headroom the government currently has”.
But he added that a “very limited tariff war” that the UK stays out of could be “mildly positive”.
He said: “There’s a bit of trade that will get diverted to the UK, and some of the exports from China, for example, that would have gone to the US, they’ll be looking for a home for them in the rest of the world.
“And stuff would be available in the UK a bit cheaper than otherwise would have been. So there is one, not central scenario at all, which is very, very mildly potentially positive to the UK. All the other ones which involve the UK facing tariffs are negative, and they’re negative to very different extents.”
Business
Donald Trump’s tariffs will have consequences for globalisation, the US economy and geopolitics
For decades, trade and trade policy has been an economic and political backwater – decidedly boring, seemingly uncontroversial.
Trade was mostly free and getting freer, tariffs were getting lower and lower, and the world was becoming more, not less, globalised.
But alongside those long-term trends, there were some serious consequences.
Trump latest: US president announces sweeping global trade tariffs
Mature, developed economies like the UK and US became ever more reliant on cheap imports from China and, in the process, saw their manufacturing sectors shrink.
Large swathes of the rust belt in the US – and much of the Midlands and North of England – were hollowed out.
And to some extent that’s where the story of Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” really began – with the notion that free trade and globalisation had a darker side, a side he wants to remedy via tariffs.
He imposed a set of tariffs in his first term, some on China, some on specific materials like steel and aluminium. But the height and the breadth of those tariffs were as nothing compared with the ones we have just heard about.
Not since the 1930s has the US so radically increased the level of tariffs on all nations across the world. Back then, those tariffs exacerbated the Great Depression.
It’s anyone’s guess as to what the consequences of these ones will be. But there will be consequences.
Consequences for the nature of globalisation, consequences for the US economy (tariffs are exceptionally inflationary), consequences for geopolitics.
Imports from the UK will face a 10% tariff, while EU goods will see 20% rates. Pic: Reuters
And to some extent, merely knowing that little bit more about the White House’s plans will deliver a bit of relief to financial markets, which have fretted for months about the imposition of tariffs. That uncertainty recently reached unprecedented levels.
But don’t for a moment assume that this saga is over. Nothing of the sort. In the coming days, we will learn more – more about the nuts and bolts of these policies, more about the retaliatory measures coming from other countries.
We will, possibly, get more of a sense about whether some countries – including the UK – will enjoy reprieves from the tariffs.
To paraphrase Churchill, this isn’t the end of the trade war, or even the beginning of the end – perhaps just the end of the beginning.
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