The United Auto Workers union has begun a strike against all three major American automakers, with about 12,700 workers currently on strike, and the potential for up to 146,000 total to go on strike in the future if automakers do not offer the union a satisfactory agreement.
While this strike is not specifically EV-focused, this story is nevertheless related to our coverage since it affects the auto industry as a whole, and many EVs are built by union labor by the “Big Three” US automakers (GM, Ford and Chrysler, which is now a part of Stellantis).
However, currently the strike doesn’t include all unionized US auto workers. Of the ~146,000 UAW workers in the US, only 12,700 of them have walked off the job for the time being, at one plant for each of the three automakers.
Of those three plants, the only one that currently produces an electrified vehicle is the Stellantis plant in Ohio, which builds Jeep Wranglers. This includes the Wrangler 4xe, a plug-in hybrid Jeep with a 17.3kWh battery pack and 21 miles of all-electric range.
There are no pure BEVs built at the three plants in question, so EVs have mostly escaped for the time being. In fact, with fewer gas vehicles being built, this could even benefit EVs in the short-term – but that could change at any moment.
New leadership, new tactics
As of this year, the union is under new leadership. In March, it held the first direct election in its 88-year history, electing its current president Shawn Fain after previous appointed presidents were subject to scandal.
UAW president Shawn Fain speaking with media as the strike begins
Fain has called this new tactic of closing a few plants at a time a “stand-up strike.” This allows the union to show that it is serious about striking, but to gradually increase pressure on the Big Three with the threat of expanding the strike to more plants if automakers do not offer enough to the union. It also means that strike funds will last longer – the UAW current has around $825 million in strike funds earmarked to pay workers while they’re off the line.
This new “stand up” nomenclature is meant to contrast with the “sit-down strikes” of the past, where workers would arrive to work at their stations and then simply sit down in place – thus preventing the potential for companies to hire scabs to replace striking workers.
Previously, the UAW would normally strike against a single automaker at a time, typically with one or a few plants. This is the first time it has held a strike against all three automakers at once, though it is still only walking out of some facilities for the time being. But that could change, and the strike could expand to cover more vehicles – and potentially some BEVs – if automakers don’t improve their offers.
In the runup to this strike, automakers have already offered significant pay increases, but these fall short of what the union considers acceptable. At first, automakers were offering around a ~10% increase, and more recent proposals have risen to around ~20%, though there are other provisions that are being negotiated for as well.
But the union says that these numbers are not high enough. Fain points to executive pay, which he says has gone up 65% over the last four years, in comparison to autoworker pay which has risen only 6%.
This graph hasn’t received the attention it deserves. We hear so much about the UAW’s supposedly “unreasonable” demands & so little about the truly astonishing levels of greed, market manipulation, price gouging, & exploitation by the Big 3. #StandUpUAWpic.twitter.com/Yj3SZSCbAm
The Big Three counter this by stating that if their labor costs increase, this could put them at a disadvantage against non-unionized automakers like Tesla, Toyota and other foreign automakers in the US. Many of these automakers are building factories in the US already.
And with the economy in somewhat of a rocky place recently, a swift end to this strike is in the interest of many. It is estimated that just a ten-day strike could cost the US economy $5 billion, so negotiations will surely be frantic.
Unions have been having a bit of a moment this year, with many strikes happening around the country. Public approval of unions is around its highest point since 1965, which has given labor the momentum to push for better protections as several industries are in times of disruption. Americans tend to favor striking auto workers and film & TV workers over their employers at a margin of three or four to one.
Electric cars and unions
In the auto industry specifically, electric cars have been in focus because electric cars typically have fewer parts than gas-powered vehicles, and thus require fewer human assembly hours. This is a benefit as the cars are less complex, but it also means that fewer auto workers may be needed to build the same number of cars.
Also, as automakers are building battery plants in the US, some are trying to start battery assembly jobs at lower hourly rates than traditional auto assembly jobs have paid. GM’s Ultium battery workers, who unionized earlier this year, just earned a 25% pay raise last month, noting this discrepancy in starting pay.
This was the first big union win in US EV production, as US battery production has heretofore mostly been non-unionized. In particular, the largest US EV maker, Tesla, has seen some unionization efforts, but those efforts have mostly met with retaliation from Tesla CEO Elon Musk.
Unions have at times been somewhat skeptical of the transition to electric vehicles, largely due to this reduction in total hours of labor needed for assembly. Though this doesn’t apply to all unions – in Germany, Audi’s worker union demanded that EVs be built at the main plant, thinking that if they did not embrace the EV transition, they might lose their jobs entirely anyway as the industry moves towards EV.
Labor was also central to President Biden’s original Build Back Better proposal, which would have added an additional $4,500 tax credit for union-made EVs, but that provision didn’t make it to the final bill due to opposition from all Senate republicans and Joe Manchin. That proposal ended up going into law as the Inflation Reduction Act, which gives a $7,500 tax credit to EVs that are built in the US, though without a union requirement attached.
Electrek’s Take
Personally, I’m pro-union. And I think that everyone should be – it only makes sense that people should have their interests collectively represented, and that people should be able to join together to support each other and exercise their power collectively, instead of individually.
This is precisely what companies do with industry organizations, lobby organizations, chambers of commerce, and so on. And it’s what countries and regions do with local, state or national governments. So naturally, workers should do the same. It only makes sense.
But at times, unions can have conservative views on manufacturing. In particular, they are interested in maintaining jobs for all of their members, which makes sense from their perspective.
But if the climate crisis requires that we produce fewer and/or smaller personal vehicles, as it does, and if those vehicles must be electric, as they must, then this means we simply have to have fewer auto manufacturing jobs in the future. It’s just going to happen. There is simply no way to get around it while also working to reduce emissions.
This could put unions in a tough spot, because they want to protect their workers, but hopefully still recognize the necessity of a rapid transition to cleaner transportation options.
There’s no reason we can’t have both things, and currently the unions don’t seem to be working against the transition at all, nor do I expect them to. I hope we can continue on this same path, and unions and the auto industry can both embrace electrification in the most rapid way possible (that is, even more rapidly than anyone currently is), while still maintaining worker protections and high levels of manufacturing quality.
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Plant workers drive along an aluminum potline at Century Aluminum Company’s Hawesville plant in Hawesville, Ky. on Wednesday, May 10, 2017. (Photo by Luke Sharrett /For The Washington Post via Getty Images)
Aluminum
The Washington Post | The Washington Post | Getty Images
Sweeping tariffs on imported aluminum imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump are succeeding in reshaping global trade flows and inflating costs for American consumers, but are falling short of their primary goal: to revive domestic aluminum production.
Instead, rising costs, particularly skyrocketing electricity prices in the U.S. relative to global competitors, are leading to smelter closures rather than restarts.
The impact of aluminum tariffs at 25% is starkly visible in the physical aluminum market. While benchmark aluminum prices on the London Metal Exchange provide a global reference, the actual cost of acquiring the metal involves regional delivery premiums.
This premium now largely reflects the tariff cost itself.
In stark contrast, European premiums were noted by JPMorgan analysts as being over 30% lower year-to-date, creating a significant divergence driven directly by U.S. trade policy.
This cost will ultimately be borne by downstream users, according to Trond Olaf Christophersen, the chief financial officer of Norway-based Hydro, one of the world’s largest aluminum producers. The company was formerly known as Norsk Hydro.
“It’s very likely that this will end up as higher prices for U.S. consumers,” Christophersen told CNBC, noting the tariff cost is a “pass-through.” Shares of Hydro have collapsed by around 17% since tariffs were imposed.
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The downstream impact of the tariffs is already being felt by Thule Group, a Hydro customer that makes cargo boxes fitted atop cars. The company said it’ll raise prices by about 10% even though it manufactures the majority of the goods sold in the U.S locally, as prices of raw materials, such as steel and aluminum, have shot up.
But while tariffs are effectively leading to prices rise in the U.S., they haven’t spurred a revival in domestic smelting, the energy-intensive process of producing primary aluminum.
The primary barrier remains the lack of access to competitively priced, long-term power, according to the industry.
“Energy costs are a significant factor in the overall production cost of a smelter,” said Ami Shivkar, principal analyst of aluminum markets at analytics firm Wood Mackenzie. “High energy costs plague the US aluminium industry, forcing cutbacks and closures.”
“Canadian, Norwegian, and Middle Eastern aluminium smelters typically secure long-term energy contracts or operate captive power generation facilities. US smelter capacity, however, largely relies on short-term power contracts, placing it at a disadvantage,” Shivkar added, noting that energy costs for U.S. aluminum smelters were about $550 per tonne compared to $290 per tonne for Canadian smelters.
Recent events involving major U.S. producers underscore this power vulnerability.
In March 2023, Alcoa Corp announced the permanent closure of its 279,000 metric ton Intalco smelter, which had been idle since 2020. Alcoa said that the facility “cannot be competitive for the long-term,” partly because it “lacks access to competitively priced power.”
Century stated the power cost required to run the facility had “more than tripled the historical average in a very short period,” necessitating a curtailment expected to last nine to twelve months until prices normalized.
The industry has also not had a respite as demand for electricity from non-industrial sources has risen in recent years.
Hydro’s Christophersen pointed to the artificial intelligence boom and the proliferation of data centers as new competitors for power. He suggested that new energy production capacity in the U.S., from nuclear, wind or solar, is being rapidly consumed by the tech sector.
“The tech sector, they have a much higher ability to pay than the aluminium industry,” he said, noting the high double-digit margins of the tech sector compared to the often low single-digit margins at aluminum producers. Hydro reported an 8.3% profit margin in the first quarter of 2025, an increase from the 3.5% it reported for the previous quarter, according to Factset data.
“Our view, and for us to build a smelter [in the U.S.], we would need cheap power. We don’t see the possibility in the current market to get that,” the CFO added. “The lack of competitive power is the reason why we don’t think that would be interesting for us.”
While failing to ignite domestic primary production, the tariffs are undeniably causing what Christophersen termed a “reshuffling of trade flows.”
When U.S. market access becomes more costly or restricted, metal flows to other destinations.
Christophersen described a brief period when exceptionally high U.S. tariffs on Canadian aluminum — 25% additional tariffs on top of the aluminum-specific tariffs — made exporting to Europe temporarily more attractive for Canadian producers. Consequently, more European metals would have made their way into the U.S. market to make up for the demand gap vacated by Canadian aluminum.
The price impact has even extended to domestic scrap metal prices, which have adjusted upwards in line with the tariff-inflated Midwest premium.
Hydro, also the world’s largest aluminum extruder, utilizes both domestic scrap and imported Canadian primary metal in its U.S. operations. The company makes products such as window frames and facades in the country through extrusion, which is the process of pushing aluminum through a die to create a specific shape.
“We are buying U.S. scrap [aluminium]. A local raw material. But still, the scrap prices now include, indirectly, the tariff cost,” Christophersen explained. “We pay the tariff cost in reality, because the scrap price adjusts to the Midwest premium.”
“We are paying the tariff cost, but we quickly pass it on, so it’s exactly the same [for us],” he added.
RBC Capital Markets analysts confirmed this pass-through mechanism for Hydro’s extrusions business, saying “typically higher LME prices and premiums will be passed onto the customer.”
This pass-through has occurred amid broader market headwinds, particularly downstream among Hydro’s customers.
RBC highlighted the “weak spot remains the extrusion divisions” in Hydro’s recent results and noted a guidance downgrade, reflecting sluggish demand in sectors like building and construction.
Danish energy giant Ørsted has canceled plans for the Hornsea 4 offshore wind farm, dealing a major blow to the UK’s renewable energy ambitions.
Hornsea 4, at a massive 2.4 gigawatts (GW), would have become one of the largest offshore wind farms in the world, generating enough clean electricity to power over 1 million UK homes. But Ørsted announced that it’s abandoning the project “in its current form.”
“The adverse macroeconomic developments, continued supply chain challenges, and increased execution, market, and operational risks have eroded the value creation,” said Rasmus Errboe, group president and CEO of Ørsted.
Reuters reported that Ørsted’s cancellation of Hornsea 4 would result in a projected loss of up to 5.5 billion Danish crowns ($837.85 million) in breakaway fees and asset write-downs. The company’s market value has declined by 80% since its peak in 2021.
The cancellation highlights significant challenges currently facing offshore wind development in Europe, particularly in the UK. The combination of higher material costs, inflation, and global financial instability has made large-scale renewable projects increasingly difficult to finance and complete.
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Ørsted’s decision is a significant setback to the UK’s energy transition goals. The UK currently has around 15 GW of offshore wind, and Hornsea 4’s size would have provided almost 7% of the additional capacity needed for the UK’s 50 GW by 2030 target, according to The Times. Losing this immense project off the Yorkshire coast could hamper the UK’s pace of reducing dependency on fossil fuels, especially amid volatile global energy markets.
The UK government reiterated its commitment to renewable energy, promising to work closely with industry leaders to overcome financial and logistical hurdles. Energy Secretary Ed Miliband told reporters in Norway that the UK is “still committed to working with Orsted to seek to make Hornsea 4 happen by 2030.”
Ørsted says it remains committed to its other UK-based projects, including the Hornsea 3 wind farm, which is expected to generate around 2.9 GW once completed at the end of 2027. Despite the challenges, the company emphasized its ongoing commitment to the British renewable market, pointing to the critical need for policy support and economic stability to ensure future developments.
Yet, the cancellation of Hornsea 4 demonstrates that even flagship renewable projects are vulnerable in the face of economic pressures and global uncertainties, which have been heightened under the Trump administration in the US.
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The Tesla Roadster appears to be quietly disappearing after years of delay. is it ever going to be made?
I may have jinxed it with Betteridge’s Law of Headlines, which suggests any headline ending in a question mark can be answered with “no.”
The prototype for the next-generation Tesla Roadster was first unveiled in 2017, and it was supposed to come into production in 2020, but it has been delayed every year since then.
It was supposed to get 620 miles (1,000 km) of range and accelerate from 0 to 60 mph in 1.9 seconds.
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It has become a sort of running joke, and there are doubts that it will ever come to market despite Tesla’s promise of dozens of free new Roadsters to Tesla owners who participated in its referral program years ago.
Tesla uses the promise of free Roadsters to help generate billions of dollars worth of sales, which Tesla owners delivered, but the automaker never delivered on its part of the agreement.
Furthermore, many people placed deposits ranging from $50,000 to $250,000 to reserve the vehicle, which was supposed to hit the market 5 years ago.
“With respect to Roadster, we’ve completed most of the engineering. And I think there’s still some upgrades we want to make to it, but we expect to be in production with Roadster next year. It will be something special.”
He said that Tesla had completed “most of the engineering”, but he initially said the engineering would be done in 2021 and that was already 3 years after the prototype was unveiled and a year after it was supposed to be in production:
There was one small update about the Roadster in Tesla’s financial results last month.
The automaker has a table of all its vehicle production, and the Roadster was updated from “in development” to “design development” in the table:
It’s not clear if that’s progress or Tesla is just rephrasing it. Either way, it is not “construction”, which makes it unlikely that the Roadster is going into production this year.
If ever…
Electrek’s Take
It looks like Tesla owes about 80 Tesla Roadsters for free to Tesla owners who referred purchases, and it owes significant discounts on hundreds of units.
It’s hard for me to believe that Tesla is not delivering the new Roadster because the vehicle program would start about $100 million in the red, but at this point, I have no idea. It very well might be the reason.
However, I think it’s more likely that Tesla is just terrible at bringing multiple vehicle programs to market simultaneously. Case in point: it launched a single new vehicle in the last five years.
At this point, I think it’s more likely that the Roadster will never happen. It will join other Tesla products like the Cybertruck Range Extender.
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