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“I don’t visit the prison anymore to see him because he’s unrecognisable. His eyes are dark. He’s exhausted – mentally, physically, emotionally.”

This is how Clara White speaks about her brother, Thomas White, who has been in prison for the past 11 years. His crime? Stealing a mobile phone.

During that time – much of which Thomas has spent in solitary confinement – Clara has witnessed her brother “languish” in his prison cell while his mental health has deteriorated to the extent that he has now been diagnosed with psychosis and suffers from hallucinations.

“His language was becoming something we didn’t understand,” she tells Sky News.

“He would tell us that he met Moses in the segregation unit. He wore his bedding as his own clothes. He went round the wings and he would bless people who tell him that he’s Jesus Christ.”

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What is an IPP sentence?

The picture she paints of her brother in prison is a far cry from the musically talented but troubled person who entered it, aged 27, having been handed a special kind of prison sentence that courts in England and Wales could impose between 2005 and 2012.

Called sentences of imprisonment for public protection, IPPs were open-ended prison sentences that were intended for the most serious violent and sexual offenders who posed a significant risk of serious harm to the public but whose crimes did not warrant a life term.

The government’s stated aim was to bring in a new sentence to “ensure that dangerous violent and sexual offenders stay in custody for as long as they present a risk to society”.

But not long after they were introduced, fears grew among politicians that IPPs were being applied too broadly and catching more minor offenders as well as the most serious – partly due to the fact that previous convictions were taken into account when determining whether someone posed a “significant risk”.

Thomas White
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Thomas White when he was younger

Thomas was sentenced to two years for stealing the mobile phone in a non-violent exchange back in 2012, but because he had 16 previous convictions for theft and robberies, he was given an IPP sentence and has served 11 years.

He has only met his son, Kayden, once – when he was nine months old.

Although IPPs have now been abolished, the change was not applied retrospectively, meaning there are potentially thousands more prisoners like Thomas who are being detained for far longer than their original term intended.

Calls are growing for the government to resentence those who remain in jail.

And in an extraordinary intervention, Alice Jill Edwards, the UN’s special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, has described IPP sentences as “psychological torture”.

‘Unclear, inconsistent and uncertain’

The objective of IPPs was to ensure that repeat offenders who were deemed a risk to the public were not just released at the end of their tariff, but would instead only get out once they had proved they had reformed their character.

Under IPPs, the fate of the prisoner effectively lay in the hands of the parole board, which alone would determine whether or not they could be released based on whether they still posed a threat to society.

But frustrations quickly grew that access to mandatory rehabilitation courses needed to satisfy the parole board were being denied – either through a lack of availability or through long waiting lists – leading to a Catch-22 type situation that left IPPs in a state of limbo.

By 2011, there was growing recognition that IPPs were not working. David Cameron, who was prime minister at the time, called the sentences “unclear, inconsistent and uncertain”.

A year later, in 2012, they were abolished by the coalition government.

But because of the decision not to make this retrospective, many of those who were inside when they were scrapped have stayed inside. Today, that number stands at nearly 2,900 people – including 1,312 prisoners who have never been released.

Aaron Graham and Cherrie Nichol pictured last year.
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Aaron Graham and Cherrie Nichol pictured last year

‘He sits and waits for the day’

One such prisoner is Aaron Graham, who was 25 years old when he was sentenced to two years and 124 days for grievous bodily harm in 2005, in which the victim was left with a broken cheekbone. Eighteen years later, he is still in prison.

His sister, Cherrie Nichol, says he “sits and waits for the day” he will get to experience life outside of prison walls.

“My brother got involved in a fight with two other lads – one of them got off, and my brother and another guy got sentenced,” she explains.

“Aaron ended up with an IPP. At the time, he took it on the chin – he had two years and 124 days to serve, he thought he would pull his socks up and get home.

“When things didn’t materialise after a few years, after a few excuses, people started to take their own lives.”

Since 2005, 81 people serving IPP sentences have taken their own lives, including nine in the whole of 2022 – a record annual total.

“I realised I might lose my brother, on a sentence of no hope,” Cherrie says. “I don’t want him to be next.”

She adds: “Yes, my brother got into a fight and he should have had the time he got. But Aaron does not pose a risk – the only risk is him dying in prison not being able to cope with his sentence and what it’s done to him; the longer he’s left not knowing when he may be home.”

Aaron Graham when he entered prison.
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Aaron Graham when he entered prison, aged 26

‘Psychological torture’

Ms Edwards at the UN is unequivocal that the preventative aspect of IPPs – keeping people in prison for what they might do – is wrong.

“I do think this is one of the most scandalous stories in the British justice system in a long while,” she tells Sky News in an exclusive interview.

“The psychological effects on the individuals would amount in my opinion, depending on an individual assessment, to psychological torture – or at least psychological, inhuman or cruel treatment. It’s certainly of that calibre.”

Why were IPPs introduced?

IPPs were introduced in the Criminal Justice Act of 2003 and came into effect in England and Wales two years later.

The government’s stated aim was to bring in a new sentence to “ensure that dangerous violent and sexual offenders stay in custody for as long as they present a risk to society”.

In its white paper of 2002, the government said it wanted to ensure that the public are “adequately protected from those offenders whose offences do not currently attract a maximum penalty of life imprisonment but who are nevertheless assessed as dangerous”.

An example of a serious offender who was given an IPP sentence was John Worboys, the black cab rapist, who was first jailed in 2009 for 19 sex offences against 12 women over a three-year period.

One of the main criticisms levied at the IPP sentence was that it was applied too broadly and was poorly targeted.

Courts could impose IPPs where an offender had been convicted of one of 96 specified “serious” violent or sexual offences – carrying a maximum sentence of 10 years or more.

But an offender was also presumed to pose a “significant risk” if they had previously been convicted of one those serious offences, as well as a further 57 “specified offences” with a maximum sentence of between two and seven years.

According to the Sentencing Academy, this is one factor that explains why IPPs were used more frequently than the government perhaps intended.

It explained: “Unless the court found it unreasonable to do so, where an offender was convicted of one of the serious offences and they had a previous conviction from one of the list of 153 specified offences, they had to consider the offender to be dangerous and impose an IPP sentence.”

This led to what the HM Chief Inspector or Prisons called an “explosion” in the number of people receiving IPPs.

‘Follow the evidence’

There is one man who has led the charge for IPP reform for decades.

His name is Lord David Blunkett – the former Labour home secretary who introduced them back in 2005.

He explains that while the motive behind IPPs was “well intentioned”, he feels “deep regret” for the long-term consequences felt by those serving them.

Former home secretary David Blunkett, who introduced IPP sentences in the Criminal Justice Act of 2003.
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Former home secretary David Blunkett introduced IPP sentences in the Criminal Justice Act of 2003

“While the original intention, I stand by because it was a very reasonable thing to do, the implementation was a major mistake, and I’ve taken my share of blame for that,” he says.

“I obviously have deep regrets because of the consequences to individuals down the line – which is why I’m in touch with so many of them, and have spent a number of years now trying to bring about rapid and reasonable change.”

Lord Blunkett is supporting a campaign by Sir Bob Neill, the Conservative chair of parliament’s Justice Select Committee, that is urging the government to carry out a resentencing of the remaining IPP population.

Sir Bob is calling for this through an amendment to the Victims and Prisoners Bill going through parliament, which he says has received cross-party support.

“What I’m proposing in my amendment is that because it’s unusual to retrospectively change sentences – but not impossible – that we set up an expert committee of senior judges and lawyers to give the government the best steer on how best to do that.”

Aaron Graham and Cherrie Nichol as children
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Aaron Graham and Cherrie Nichol as children

Sir Bob hopes that the justice secretary, Alex Chalk, will show a more of willingness to consider his proposals than his predecessor Dominic Raab, who flatly rejected the suggestion on the grounds resentencing would “give rise to an unacceptable risk to public protection”.

MPs and families have identified in Mr Chalk a potential for reform of the system, given his past statements about IPPs.

Mr Chalk, who replaced Mr Raab in April, has called IPP sentences a “stain on our justice system” that “should never have happened”.

However, like his predecessor, Mr Chalk has described facing a “conundrum” in wanting to solve the “injustice” of the IPP sentence while also feeling a duty to “protect the public”.

The justice secretary has revised the IPP “action plan” started under Mr Raab which aims to solve the dilemma by reducing the number of those in prison even further.

For many, it is simply not enough.

In a direct appeal to Mr Chalk, Sir Bob said: “Alex is a good man and a highly experienced criminal barrister. He’s actually seen these sentences in operation in a way that some of his predecessors perhaps hadn’t.

“So I say to him, ‘Alex, you’re a lawyer – follow the evidence’.”

British Conservative member of parliament Alex Chalk walks outside Downing Street, in London, Britain, April 21, 2023. REUTERS/Toby Melville
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Justice Secretary Alex Chalk has called IPP sentences a ‘stain’ on the criminal justice system


‘The revolving door’ – life on recall

Another aspect to the IPP sentence that hangs over prisoners, and which the government may be more inclined to reform, is recall.

If an IPP prisoner is released, they are put on licence with strict conditions. If a prisoner breaches their licence conditions, they could be sent back to prison at any time.

The licence is for life but they can apply to have it terminated after 10 years. One concession the government is thought to be considering is reducing that period to five years.

According to the campaign group Ungripp, since 2015, when reliable data began to be published, there have been 4,434 incidents of recalling people serving an IPP sentence, including some who may have been recalled multiple times.

Lord Blunkett believes there are now more people in prison on IPP because they’ve been recalled from their licence conditions than there are who have never been released.

“We’re going to reach a silly situation where for very small reasons, the recall conditions end up with a very large cohort, who simply go in and out the revolving door,” he says.

“That has to be broken – otherwise, people just don’t have the chance to restore their lives.”

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Ex-IPP prisoner’s ‘total loss of hope’

‘I’m not able to live a normal life’

One IPP prisoner who understands the daily reality of being on recall is Anthony Hipkiss.

Anthony is an ex-IPP prisoner who served 16 years for threats to kill under an IPP sentence and was released in February.

He has been recalled back to prison three times under a licence that he is now subject to for at least 10 years. He says he lives in constant fear of being sent back to prison and cannot fully reintegrate into the community and family life.

“There’s something about this sentence which always stays with you,” he tells Sky News.

“I’ve got a weekly reminder of what I’m serving, I still wear a tag on my leg, which tells me everyday I’m serving that sentence.

“When I see a prison van going past I think ‘what if?’ Sometimes I think they’re coming for me.

“I’m not able to live a normal life. I don’t have permission to do anything.”

Garth prison
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Garth prison in Lancashire, where Thomas White is currently being held

Anthony now works for an organisation called On the Out, which aims to help people leaving the criminal justice system.

“I’ve got an unbelievable support network around me – my family and my church and so on but a lot of it is down to me. The onus is on me not to put things wrong this time.”

Asked to reflect on the incidents that put him in prison, he acknowledges it was right he spent time behind bars.

“I was a threat. I was a danger,” he admits. He says the third time he was recalled gave him the “kick up the backside” he needed and showed him “what IPP was all about”.

But he adds: “I never thought I’d be here 16 years later, still going for probation, I don’t think the incident warrants a life sentence. I don’t think the crime warrants a whole life sentence.”

The overall toll of serving an IPP sentence has been tough. He says at his lowest point, he tried to take his own life on three occasions.

“I got to such a point where I was like, I don’t want live no more,” he said. “This thing’s literally become a death sentence for some people.”

‘The international community is watching’

For the UN’s Ms Edwards, the “repetitive” recalling of people could amount to “abuses of process, abuses of power”.

“The government, or the courts, need to really assess whether that detention is lawful. It might be lawful under the law – but that doesn’t mean it’s lawful under international human rights law.”

Her conclusion has led her to believe that IPP prisoners could have a case to take to the European Court of Human Rights, which previously described the sentences as “unlawful”. She has also written to the government urging it to carry out a review of IPPs.

“I hope that there’s some redress without the families needing to go through the laborious process of going through court. But of course, that is open to them.”

‘We’ll do everything we can’

After Thomas’s behaviour became more and more erratic, Clara pushed for an independent psychiatric assessment, which recommended that he be transferred to a psychiatric hospital.

It reads: “Mr White did describe a sense of hopelessness about his sentence and the outcome of recent parole hearings.

“It is probable that this negative experience has contributed to the development of his delusion system and his voices.

“Mr White’s views mirror those identified in the report, which emphasises the psychological harm caused by the IPP sentence, leading to feelings of hopelessness, despair, and which presented a challenge to their progression.”

Families and campaigners hope that with Sir Bob’s amendment, the government will address their pleas for their loved ones to be resentenced.

But could politics, once again, be the deciding factor in the fate of these prisoners?

With a general election potentially just 12 months away, families – and indeed some MPs – are concerned that no political party will want to act out of fear that one mis-step, or one wrong release, could generate a backlash in the media.

Clara White and her nephew, Kayden
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Clara White and her nephew, Kayden

On that, Lord Blunkett has a clear message.

“If change is not made in the House of Commons, we’ll do everything we can in the House of Lords.

“We’ve just got to get common sense back into this situation – for the sake of all those including their families who have been suffering this for so long.”

The Ministry of Justice said its updated IPP action plan will provide support for prisoners who are at risk of self harm or suicide and will allow greater access to rehabilitation programmes to help secure their future release and employment.

A spokesperson said: “We abolished IPP sentences in 2012 and have already reduced the number of unreleased IPP prisoners by three quarters. We will continue to help those still in custody to progress towards release.

“These offenders were deemed a serious risk to the public and we make no apologies for putting public protection first by ensuring that each release is properly assessed by the Parole Board.”

Anyone feeling emotionally distressed or suicidal can call Samaritans for help on 116 123 or email jo@samaritans.org in the UK. In the US, call the Samaritans branch in your area or 1 (800) 273-TALK

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‘Death isn’t like a video game where you pop back up’: The case for and against assisted dying

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'Death isn't like a video game where you pop back up': The case for and against assisted dying

Warning: this article contains references to suicide.

The case for: I want a good death under the oak tree in my garden

Clare Turner, 59, Devon

I want a good death underneath the oak tree in my garden, with my daughters playing guitar and people chatting in the background. I want to look up at the tree, see birds and insects and feel part of nature.

I live on a farm in Devon where right now the sunflowers are blackened by winter, drooping over in a field where birds feast on their oily seeds. Next year’s vegetables sleep in the soil below – everything that lives ends up dying.

Clare would like to die under the oak tree in her garden
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Clare would like to die under the oak tree in her garden

Finding out I have stage four cancer was a shock but I have found acceptance. I hope my energy, my “Clare-ness”, will be released into the natural world to mingle with all those who have gone ahead of me, and all the living things which came before.

When I first told my daughters about my illness, Chloe, my eldest, was terrified about the type of death I would have. She works in a hospital and really wants people to have assisted dying as an option. My other daughter Izzy is fully supportive of that too.

I’ve done a straw poll of friends. One is absolutely against it because of his religious beliefs but others are overwhelmingly in favour of assisted dying.

Clare with her daughters Izzy and Chloe
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Clare with her daughters Izzy and Chloe

My grandfather, Arthur Turner, was a campaigner who at the end of his life battled for safe, affordable housing. I don’t have the energy to fight due to my cancer, but I wanted to speak out now because it means a lot to me.

It is extraordinary to me that under our current laws, if we allowed one of the animals on this farm to suffer, a farmer would be prosecuted.

But assisted dying isn’t just about avoiding suffering. I used to be a counsellor working with adolescents around bereavement. There is a difference between the normal, natural process of death and situations where people become traumatised by the manner of it. That affects the brain in a different way.

Clare Turner has stage four cancer
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Clare Turner has stage four cancer

My oncologist told me that without chemotherapy I have months to live. I’m just hanging on for my daughter to get through university but I’ve got no intention of eking out every single second. If the law doesn’t change, I plan to take my own life.

I wouldn’t want to get anyone in trouble, so I would choose to have a lonely death. I don’t think I deserve that. I’d be at home, but the idea of being surrounded by my loved ones and nature and then contrasting that to aloneness… I find that sad.

Phillip watched his mother die of breast cancer
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Philip’s religion informs his stance against assisted dying

The case against: ‘Death isn’t like a video game where you pop back up’

Philip, Midlands.

I want to live until God wants me to die. He will sort that out, not me. I have no idea how it’s going to happen and I don’t want to know.

This world is temporary, and I have a better one coming. I have pancreatic cancer which not only affects my pancreas, but also my lungs. When we were told I had less than six months to live, my wife Pauline couldn’t stop crying. Sitting in the hospital we sung praises to God. It’s now five months, and I’m grateful for this time.

I don’t think people realise death is a one-way journey. It’s not like games that kids have on their consoles where you get killed then pop back up again.

These days, it seems like people are talking more openly about suicide, which because of my beliefs I see as a sin. Thirty-five years ago, one of my neighbours had lymphoma cancer and was given six months to live. He’s now 67 – imagine if he had taken his own life back then.

Phillip's mother (left) died of cancer when he (right) was young
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Philip’s mother died of cancer when he was young

When I was 15, my mother suffered a slow and painful death from breast cancer. I would sit by her bed and pretend to wipe rats off her chest because she thought they were gnawing at her breasts. Two days before she died she prayed, “God, I want you to either heal me or take me”. She died naturally, with dignity.

Medical science has moved on since then. There is no reason why somebody with cancer should die in excruciating pain. Doctors can manage the pain, but the bigger problem is the lack of services in end of life or palliative care. I’ve paid taxes all my life so I see no reason why that care shouldn’t be available for me.

We all feel for those who want assisted dying but if you allow the law to be changed for just a few people, in a short time it becomes wider to include others.

Phillip doesn't want to know when he will die
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Philip doesn’t want to know when he will die

We can see this in Canada and the Netherlands, where it started off with just people who were terminally ill and now there’s talk of allowing it for people with mental illness, children and even the homeless.

So you start to have a society where life’s value is lessened, where the state gets to decide who has had enough. That is horrendous. It’s not the sort of society I want to live in, or leave behind.

Anyone feeling emotionally distressed or suicidal can call Samaritans for help on 116 123 or email jo@samaritans.org in the UK. In the US, call the Samaritans branch in your area or 1 (800) 273-TALK

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David Cameron comes out in support of assisted dying bill after previously voting against in 2015

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David Cameron comes out in support of assisted dying bill after previously voting against in 2015

David Cameron has become the first former prime minister to come out in support of the assisted dying bill.

The former Tory leader has written a piece in The Times explaining his decision, and saying that in the past he opposed moves to introduce measures allowing terminally ill people to end their own life.

Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton wrote: “My main concern and reason for not supporting proposals before now has always been the worry that vulnerable people could be pressured into hastening their own deaths.”

However, he says he has now been reassured by those arguing in favour of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill.

Labour MP Kim Leadbeater will put the bill forward for a vote in the House of Commons on Friday.

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MP has ‘no doubts’ about assisted dying bill

“As campaigners have convincingly argued, this proposal is not about ending life, it is about shortening death,” Lord Cameron wrote in The Times.

His intervention comes after Gordon Brown, Theresa May, Boris Johnson and Liz Truss all came out in opposition to the bill.

None of Sir John Major, Sir Tony Blair or Rishi Sunak have made their positions public.

Gordon Brown. File pic: PA
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Gordon Brown. File pic: PA

In his article, Lord Cameron says he asked four questions before reaching his conclusion – whether there are sufficient safeguards to protect vulnerable people, whether this is a “slippery slope”, whether it would put unnecessary pressure on the NHS and will the proposed law lead to a meaningful reduction in human suffering?

On the first point, Lord Cameron says protections like two doctors needing to give approval as well as a judge, alongside the requirement of self-administration of the fatal drugs, are enough.

He also highlights the criminalisation of coercing someone to end their own life.

On whether the bill is a “slippery slope” – as Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood claimed – he says such an argument can be made for any social change.

The former prime minister writes that the bill is in “a sensible and practical resting place for public policy in this area”, and is explicitly only for the terminally ill, rather than those with mental illnesses and disabilities.

Read more:
What is in the assisted dying legislation?
Lawyer says Canada’s assisted dying has gone too far

The most senior Conservative to back the bill


Jon Craig - Chief political correspondent

Jon Craig

Chief political correspondent

@joncraig

Former prime ministers David Cameron and Gordon Brown both lost a child in tragic circumstances. But they’ve now come to a different conclusion about assisted dying.

Lord Cameron lost son Ivan, aged six, who was severely disabled and suffered from epilepsy and cerebral palsy, in February 2009. Mr Brown, the then prime minister, cancelled PMQs out of respect.

When assisted dying was last debated in the Commons in 2015 – when he was prime minister – Mr Cameron voted against it. But now, in a major and potentially influential intervention, he’s changed his mind.

“When we know that there’s no cure, when we know death is imminent, when patients enter a final and acute period of agony, then surely, if they can prevent it and – crucially – want to prevent it, we should let them make that choice,” Lord Cameron writes in The Times.

But the former premier is in a minority of Conservatives who back the bill and most senior Tory MPs, including Kemi Badenoch, Priti Patel and former leader Sir Iain Duncan Smith, are opposed.

Lord Cameron is also the first of all the UK’s living former prime ministers to back Kim Leadbeater’s controversial bill, which is being debated in the Commons on Friday.

This week three former Conservative PMs – Theresa May, Boris Johnson and Liz Truss – let it be known that they oppose the bill. Baroness May, like Lord Cameron, will have a vote if the bill reaches the Lords.

Mr Brown’s daughter Jennifer, born seven weeks prematurely weighing 2lb 4oz, died after just 11 days in January 2002 following a brain haemorrhage on day four of her short life.

A son of the manse who was strongly influenced by his father, a Church of Scotland minister, Mr Brown says the tragedy convinced him of the value and imperative of good end-of-life care, not the case for assisted dying.

On whether it put undue pressure on the NHS, Lord Cameron dismisses the argument.

“It’s not just that the bill would be applicable in only a very small number of cases, it is that the NHS exists to serve patients and the public, not the other way around,” he writes.

On the fourth point – whether it will reduce human suffering – the former prime minister says: “I find it very hard to argue that the answer to this question is anything other than ‘yes’.”

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Lord Cameron adds that, as a member of the House of Lords, he gets letters from terminally ill patients and that poses questions.

He wrote: “When we know that there’s no cure, when we know death is imminent, when patients enter a final and acute period of agony, then surely, if they can prevent it and – crucially – want to prevent it, we should let them make that choice.

“It’s right that MPs are having a free vote on this issue – and our tradition of free votes on such moral issues should be maintained.

“The fact it is a free vote gives legislators the chance to think afresh and, if the evidence convinces them, to change their mind. That’s what I have done. And, if this bill makes it to the House of Lords, I will be voting for it.”

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Mohamed al Fayed: Police investigating ‘more than five’ people who may have ‘enabled’ alleged abuse of women and girls

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Mohamed al Fayed: Police investigating 'more than five' people who may have 'enabled' alleged abuse of women and girls

Detectives have launched a new investigation into more than five people suspected of helping Mohamed al Fayed commit widespread sexual abuse over almost 40 years.

The fresh allegations against the former Harrods and Fulham FC boss, including rape and sexual assault, span the years between 1977 and 2014, with the youngest victim aged just 13 at the time she was allegedly targeted.

The Metropolitan Police were previously contacted by 21 women, who made similar allegations about incidents between 2005 and 2023, but the billionaire businessman was never charged before his death aged 94 last August.

Some 150 people have since contacted the force, 90 of whom have been identified as potential victims, and officers are now looking at Fayed’s associates who are suspected of facilitating or enabling abuse.

More than five people are under investigation so far, the force said, although no arrests have yet been made.

Pic: Dave Cheskin/PA.
Image:
Pic: Dave Cheskin/PA

Commander Stephen Clayman said: “I recognise the bravery of every victim-survivor who has come forward to share their experiences, often after years of silence.

“This investigation is about giving survivors a voice, despite the fact that Mohamed al Fayed is no longer alive to face prosecution.

“However, we are now pursuing any individuals suspected to have been complicit in his offending, and we are committed to seeking justice.”

In response to the new probes into associates of Fayed, Harrods said in a statement: “We are aware of and wholeheartedly support the Met police’s investigation. We have an open, direct and ongoing line of communication with the Met police for the benefit of the survivors.

“We continue to encourage all survivors to engage with the Met police and we welcome the investigation in supporting survivors in their wider pursuit of justice.”

File pic: PA
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The famous Harrods department store in Knightsbridge, London. File pic: PA

Detectives are also reviewing the Met’s previous investigations, including 50,000 pages of evidence, to identify any missed chances or misconduct.

The force said previous investigations were “extensive and conducted by specialist teams” but accepts “contact with and support for some victims at the time could have been improved”.

Two files – the first in 2008 and the second in 2015 – were passed to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) for a charging decision, but the CPS has said no charges were brought because there wasn’t a realistic prospect of conviction.

The Met already referred two cases to the police watchdog the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) after receiving complaints from two women about investigations in 2008 and 2013.

Commander Clayman said: “We are aware that past events may have impacted the public’s trust and confidence in our approach, and we are determined to rebuild that trust by addressing these allegations with integrity and thoroughness.

“We encourage anyone who has information or was affected by Fayed’s actions to reach out to us. Your voice matters, and we are here to listen and to help.”

Hundreds of women – many of whom worked for Fayed – have contacted lawyers alleging abuse following a BBC documentary about his behaviour.

Harrods has previously said it is “utterly appalled” by the claims and said it is a “very different organisation to the one owned and controlled by Fayed between 1985 and 2010”.

Fulham previously said they were trying to establish whether anyone at the club had been affected, and were encouraging people to come forward to the club’s safeguarding department or the police.

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