Connect with us

Published

on

President Joe Bidens core foreign-policy argument has been that his steady engagement with international allies can produce better results for America than the impulsive unilateralism of his predecessor Donald Trump. The eruption of violence in Israel is testing that proposition under the most difficult circumstances.

The initial reactions of Biden and Trump to the attack have produced exactly the kind of personal contrast Biden supporters want to project. On Tuesday, Biden delivered a powerful speech that was impassioned but measured in denouncing the Hamas terror attacks and declaring unshakable U.S. support for Israel. Last night, in a rambling address in Florida, Trump praised the skill of Israels enemies, criticized Israels intelligence and defense capabilities, and complained that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had tried to claim credit for a U.S. operation that killed a top Iranian general while Trump was president.

At this somber moment, Trump delivered exactly the sort of erratic, self-absorbed performance that his critics have said make him unreliable in a crisis. Trumps remarks seemed designed to validate what Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee that focuses on the Middle East, had told me in an interview a few hours before the former presidents speech. This is the most delicate moment in the Middle East in decades, Murphy said. The path forward to negotiate this hostage crisis, while also preventing other fronts from opening up against Israel, necessitates A-plus-level diplomacy. And you obviously never saw C-plus-level diplomacy from Trump.

Franklin Foer: Biden will be guided by his Zionism

The crisis is highlighting more than the distance in personal demeanor between the two men. Two lines in Bidens speech on Tuesday point toward the policy debate that could be ahead in a potential 2024 rematch over how to best promote international stability and advance Americas interests in the world.

Biden emphasized his efforts to coordinate support for Israel from U.S. allies within and beyond the region. And although Biden did not directly urge Israel to exercise restraint in its ongoing military operations against Hamas, he did call for caution. Referring to his conversation with Netanyahu, Biden said, We also discussed how democracies like Israel and the United States are stronger and more secure when we act according to the rule of law. White House officials acknowledged this as a subtle warning that the U.S. was not giving Israel carte blanche to ignore civilian casualties as it pursues its military objectives in Gaza.

Both of Bidens comments point to crucial distinctions between his view and Trumps of the U.S. role in the world. Whereas Trump relentlessly disparaged U.S. alliances, Biden has viewed them as an important mechanism for multiplying Americas influence and impactby organizing the broad international assistance to Ukraine, for instance. And whereas Trump repeatedly moved to withdraw the U.S. from international institutions and agreements, Biden continues to assert that preserving a rules-based international order will enhance security for America and its allies.

Even more than in 2016, Trump in his 2024 campaign is putting forward a vision of a fortress America. In almost all of his foreign-policy proposals, he promises to reduce American reliance on the outside world. He has promised to make the U.S. energy independent and to implement a four-year plan to phase out all Chinese imports of essential goods and gain total independence from China. Like several of his rivals for the 2024 GOP nomination, Trump has threatened to launch military operations against drug cartels in Mexico without approval from the Mexican government. John Bolton, one of Trumps national security advisers in the White House, has said he believes that the former president would seek to withdraw from NATO in a second term. Walls, literal and metaphorical, remain central to Trumps vision: He says that, if reelected, hell finish his wall across the Southwest border, and last weekend he suggested that the Hamas attack was justification to restore his ban on travel to the U.S. from several Muslim-majority nations.

Biden, by contrast, maintains that America can best protect its interests by building bridges. Hes focused on reviving traditional alliances, including extending them into new priorities such as friend-shoring. He has also sought to engage diplomatically even with rival or adversarial regimes, for instance, by attempting to find common ground with China over climate change.

These differences in approach likely will be muted in the early stages of Israels conflict with Hamas. Striking at Islamic terrorists is one form of international engagement that still attracts broad support from Republican leaders. And in the Middle East, Biden has not diverged from Trumps strategy as dramatically as in other parts of the world. After Trump severely limited contact with the Palestinian Authority, Biden has restored some U.S. engagement, but the president hasnt pushed Israel to engage in full-fledged peace negotiations, as did his two most recent Democratic predecessors, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Instead, Biden has continued Trumps efforts to normalize relations between Israel and surrounding Sunni nations around their common interest in countering Shiite Iran. (Hamass brutal attack may have been intended partly to derail the ongoing negotiations among the U.S., Israel, and Saudi Arabia that represent the crucial next stage of that project.) Since the attack last weekend, Trump has claimed that Hamas would not have dared to launch the incursion if he were still president, but he has not offered any substantive alternative to Bidens response.

Yet the difference between how Biden and Trump approach international challenges is likely to resurface before this crisis ends. Even while trying to construct alliances to constrain Iran, Biden has also sought to engage the regime through negotiations on both its nuclear program and the release of American prisoners. Republicans have denounced each of those efforts; Trump and other GOP leaders have argued, without evidence, that Bidens agreement to allow Iran to access $6 billion in its oil revenue held abroad provided the mullahs with more leeway to fund terrorist groups like Hamas. And although both parties are now stressing Israels right to defend itself, if Israel does invade Gaza, Biden will likely eventually pressure Netanyahu to stop the fighting and limit civilian losses well before Trump or any other influential Republican does.

Murphy points toward another distinction: Biden has put more emphasis than Trump on fostering dialogue with a broad range of nations across the region. Trumps style was to pick sides, and that meant making enemies and adversaries unnecessarily; that is very different from Bidens approach, Murphy told me. We dont know whether anyone in the region right now can talk sense into Hamas, Murphy said, but this president has been very careful to keep lines of communication open in the region, and thats because he knows through experience that moments can come, like this, where you need all hands on deck and where you need open lines to all the major players.

Read: The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades

In multiple national polls, Republican and Democratic voters now express almost mirror-image views on whether and how the U.S. should interact with the world. For the first time in its annual polling since 1974, the Chicago Council on Global Affairs this year found that a majority of Republicans said the U.S. would be best served if we stay out of world affairs, according to upcoming results shared exclusively with The Atlantic. By contrast, seven in 10 Democrats said that the U.S. should take an active part in world affairs.

Not only do fewer Republicans than Democrats support an active role for the U.S. in world affairs, but less of the GOP wants the U.S. to compromise with allies whe it does engage. In national polling earlier this year by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center, about eight in 10 Democrats said America should take its allies interests into account when dealing with major international issues. Again in sharp contrast, nearly three-fifths of GOP partisans said the U.S. instead should follow its own interests.

As president, Trump both reflected and reinforced these views among Republican voters. Trump withdrew the U.S. from the World Health Organization, the United Nations Human Rights Council, the Paris climate accord, and the nuclear deal with Iran that Obama negotiated, while also terminating Obamas Trans-Pacific Partnership trade talks. Biden effectively reversed all of those decisions. He rejoined both the Paris Agreement and the WHO on his first days in office, and he brought the U.S. back into the Human Rights Council later in 2021. Although Biden did not resuscitate the TPP specifically, he has advanced a successor agreement among nations across the region called the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. Biden has also sought to restart negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program, though with little success.

Peter Feaver, a public-policy and political-science professor at Duke University, told me he believes that Trump wasnt alone among U.S. presidents in complaining that allies were not fully pulling their weight. What makes Trump unique, Feaver said, is that he didnt see the other side of the ledger. Most other presidents recognized, notwithstanding our [frustrations], it is still better to work with allies and that the U.S. capacity to mobilize a stronger, more action-focused coalition of allies than our adversaries could was a central part of our strength, said Feaver, who served as a special adviser on the National Security Council for George W. Bush. Thats the thing that Trump never really understood: He got the downsides of allies, but not the upsides. And he did not realize you do not get any benefits from allies if you approach them in the hyper-transactional style that he would do.

Biden, Feaver believes, was assured an enthusiastic reception from U.S. allies because he followed the belligerent Trump. But Bidens commitment to restoring alliances, Feaver maintains, has delivered results. Theres no question in my mind that Biden got better results from the NATO alliance [on Ukraine] in the first six months than the Trump team would have done, Feaver said.

As the Middle East erupts again, the biggest diplomatic hurdle for Biden wont be marshaling international support for Israel while it begins military operations; it will be sustaining focus on what happens when they end, James Steinberg, the dean of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, told me. The challenge here is how do you both reassure Israel and send an unmistakably tough message to Hamas and Iran without leading to an escalation in this crisis, said Steinberg, who served as deputy secretary of state for Obama and deputy national security adviser for Clinton. Thats where the real skill will come: Without undercutting the strong message of deterrence and support for Israel, can they figure out a way to defuse the crisis? Because it could just get worse, and it could widen.

In a 2024 rematch, the challenge for Biden would be convincing most Americans that his bridges can keep them safer than Trumps walls. In a recent Gallup Poll, Americans gave Republicans a 22-percentage-point advantage when asked which party could keep the nation safe from international terrorism and military threats. Republicans usually lead on that measure, but the current advantage was one of the GOPs widest since Gallup began asking the question, in 2002.

This new crisis will test Biden on exceedingly arduous terrain. Like Clinton and Obama, Biden has had a contentious relationship with Netanyahu, who has grounded his governing coalition in the far-right extremes of Israeli politics and openly identified over the years with the GOP in American politics. In this uneasy partnership with Netanyahu, Biden must now juggle many goals: supporting the Israeli prime minister, but also potentially restraining him, while avoiding a wider war and preserving his long-term goal of a Saudi-Israeli dtente that would reshape the region. It is exactly the sort of complex international puzzle that Biden has promised he can manage better than Trump. This terrible crucible is providing the president with another opportunity to prove it.

Continue Reading

Politics

Open border immigration ‘not pragmatic right now’, says Green Party leader

Published

on

By

Open border immigration 'not pragmatic right now', says Green Party leader

Greens leader Zack Polanski has rejected claims his party would push for open borders on immigration, telling Sky News it is “not a pragmatic” solution for a world in “turmoil”.

Mr Polanski distanced himself from his party’s “long-range vision” for open borders, saying it was not in his party’s manifesto and was an “attack line used by opponents” to question his credibility.

It came as Mr Polanski, who has overseen a spike in support in the polls to double figures, refused to apologise over controversial comments he made about care workers on BBC Question Time that were criticised across the political spectrum.

Mr Polanski was speaking to Sky News earlier this week while in Calais, where he joined volunteers and charities to witness how French police handle the arrival of migrants in the town that is used as a departure point for those wanting to make the journey to the UK.

He told Sky News he had made the journey to the French town – once home to the “Jungle” refugee camp before it was demolished in 2016 – to tackle “misinformation” about migration and to make the case for a “compassionate, fair and managed response” to the small boats crisis.

He said that “no manifesto ever said anything about open borders” and that the Greens had never stood at a general election advocating for them.

“Clearly when the world is in political turmoil and we have deep inequality, that is not a situation we can move to right now,” he said.

More on Green Party

“That would also involve massive international agreements and cooperation. That clearly is not a pragmatic conversation to have right now. And very often the government try to push that attack line to make us look not pragmatic.”

The party’s manifesto last year did not mention open borders, but it did call for an end to the “hostile environment”, more safe and legal routes and for the Home Office to be abolished and replaced with a department of migration.

Asked why the policy of minimal restrictions on migration had been attributed to his party, Mr Polanski said open borders was part of a “long-range vision of what society could look like if there was a Green government and if we’d had a long time to fix some of the systemic problems”.

‘We should recognise the contribution migrants make’

Mr Polanski, who was elected Green Party leader in September and has been compared to Nigel Farage over his populist economic policies, said his position was one of a “fair and managed” migration system – although he did not specify whether that included a cap on numbers.

He acknowledged that there needed to be a “separate conversation” about economic migration but that he did not believe any person who boarded a small boat was in a “good situation”.

While Mr Polanski stressed that he believed asylum seekers should be able to work in Britain and pay taxes, he also said he believed in the need to train British workers in sectors such as care, where one in five are foreign nationals.

Asked what his proposals for a fair and managed migration system looked like, and whether he supported a cap on numbers, Mr Polanski said: “We have 100,000 vacancies in the National Health Service. One in five care workers in the care sector are foreign nationals.

Zack Polanski speaks to Sky News from a warehouse in Calais where charities and organisations provide migrants with essentials.
Image:
Zack Polanski speaks to Sky News from a warehouse in Calais where charities and organisations provide migrants with essentials.

“Now, of course, that is both British workers and we should be training British workers, but we should recognise the contribution that migrants and people who come over here make.”

I’m not going to apologise’

Mr Polanski also responded to the criticism he attracted over his comments about care workers on Question Time last week, where he told the audience: “I don’t know about you, but I don’t particularly want to wipe someone’s bum” – before adding: “I’m very grateful for the people who do this work.”

His comments have been criticised by a number of Labour MPs, including Wes Streeting, the health secretary, who said: “Social care isn’t just ‘wiping someone’s bum’. It is a hard, rewarding, skilled professional job.

“This is immigration as exploitation.”

Read more:
The Greens leader who wants to be the Farage of the left
Will Farage racism allegations deter voters?

Asked whether he could understand why some care workers might feel he had talked down to them, the Greens leader replied: “I care deeply about care workers. When I made those comments, it’s important to give a full context. I said ‘I’m very grateful to people who do this important work’ and absolutely repeat that it’s vital work.”

“Of course, it is not part of the whole job, and I never pretended it was part of the whole job.”

Mr Polanski said he “totally” rejected the suggestion that he had denigrated the role of care workers in the eyes of the public and said his remarks were made in the context of a “hostile Question Time” where he had “three right-wing panellists shouting at me”.

Pressed on whether he wanted to apologise, he replied: “I’m not going to apologise for being really clear that I’m really grateful to the people who do this really vital work. And yes, we should be paying them properly, too.”

Continue Reading

World

Tension high in Australia as far-right ’emboldened in way never seen before’

Published

on

By

Tension high in Australia as far-right 'emboldened in way never seen before'

As Australia slides into its summer, it is leaving behind months marked by nationwide protests on one major issue – migration.

In August, around 50,000 people demonstrated in towns and cities across the country. There were clashes at separate rallies between far-right and far-left protesters in Melbourne.

In October, there were more protests. This time police accused the far-left of attacking officers and trying to confront right-wing protesters.

Tension on both sides is running high.

Fran Grant, right
Image:
Fran Grant, right

Sydney protester Fran Grant has attended all the rallies.

“I love Australia and I’m not happy with what’s happening now,” she explained.

“It looks like the Labour government are continuing to bring in immigrants. I have no problem with that if we have the infrastructure to support it, but we don’t.”

More on Australia

Migration levels now falling

During the COVID crisis, Australia introduced strict border closures and migration plummeted.

Then in the years following the pandemic, there was a migration boom. A total of 1.4 million people entered Australia.

These were huge numbers. However, the Australian Bureau of Statistics shows net overseas migration has since fallen by almost 40% since its post-COVID peak.

But many Australians still believe the numbers are still too high.

‘We can’t keep going like this’

Auburn, Sydney
Image:
Auburn, Sydney

Australia’s multicultural heart is in suburbs like Auburn in Sydney, where almost 80% of families use a language other than English at home.

Steve Christou is a Cumberland City councillor and the son of Greek-Cypriot migrants.

“All we’re saying is put a stop to excess immigration until the country’s infrastructure can keep up,” he said. “We can’t keep going like this.”

Steve Christou
Image:
Steve Christou

He added: “We’re not blaming the migrants in the country, let’s be very clear about that. The government is being blamed for letting in 1.4 million migrants in the last three years to the point where the country can’t cope.”

Mr Christou spoke to protesters at the rally in October. There were families, students and seniors in the crowd, flying Australian flags and singing Australian songs.

Critics have called these protests racist, inflammatory and dangerous, but many people attending said they were there to show their pride for Australia and its way of life.

Others were demonstrating against the country’s housing shortage and increasing cost of living.

Neo-Nazi Melbourne march
Image:
Neo-Nazi Melbourne march

Australia’s neo-Nazis emboldened

In August, dozens of Australia’s neo-Nazis also attended the Melbourne and Sydney protests and addressed the crowds.

In Melbourne, migration demonstrations and counter-protests turned violent. Neo-Nazis allegedly attacked an indigenous camp in the city.

Speaking at an anti-racism rally in Sydney, deputy leader of the Australian Greens, Mehreen Faruqi, told Sky News: “The far-right are emboldened in a way that I have never seen before.”

Senator Faruqi was born in Pakistan but has lived in Australia for more than 30 years.

Mehreen Faruqi
Image:
Mehreen Faruqi

“They [far-right] are coming out on the streets, they have signs and slogans and chants that are white supremacists, white nationalists, and of course, this is happening across the world.”

Terrorism and far-right expert, Dr Josh Roose, from Deakin University in Melbourne, said: “We know that the Nazis see this as their time to capitalise.

“They’re not only attending these rallies, but they’re seeking to position themselves at the front, to mobilise people and shape the public conversation by normalising extreme ideas.”

Bec 'Freedom'
Image:
Bec ‘Freedom’

At the “March for Australia” rally in October, organiser Bec “Freedom” told Sky News that the neo-Nazis are “proud Australians .. standing up for our country against mass immigration. So long as they’re not violent, they’re welcome here.

“While they’re at my event, they’ve been told to keep it respectful. No hate speech, no violence, no Hitler talk,” she said.

Read more from Sky News:
UK sanctions paramilitary commanders in Sudan over ‘mass killings’
Belgian PM ‘sceptical’ about Ukraine loan using Russian assets

Ms Freedom said she’s “definitely not” coordinating with the neo-Nazis, that she has spoken with them and “that’s as far as it goes”.

Asked if she was worried that the presence of the neo-Nazis at the August rally would give the March for Australia movement a bad name, she replied: “The thing is we’ve been abused, and name-called by the media for so long… If you want to call me a Nazi, then fine, call me a Nazi.”

Other demonstrators said they wanted nothing to do with the neo-Nazis and had no time for the group and its messages.

On 8 November, more than 60 neo-Nazis gathered on the steps of the New South Wales state parliament, holding a banner reading “Abolish the Jewish Lobby”.

The brazen stunt shocked the public and was widely condemned by the state government.

The government is now strengthening laws against public displays of neo-Nazi ideology.

A bill to ban the burqa

One Nation leader Pauline Hanson wears a burqa in the Senate chamber. Pic: AAP/Reuters
Image:
One Nation leader Pauline Hanson wears a burqa in the Senate chamber. Pic: AAP/Reuters

There’s been political controversy too.

In November, Australian senator and leader of the far-right One Nation party, Pauline Hanson, created a political storm when she wore a burqa (a full-face Islamic covering) inside federal parliament.

Ms Hanson is calling for the burqa to be banned in public places. Her party is rising in the polls and drawing disaffected Coalition (or Conservative) voters to its ranks.

At home with Fran Grant and her reptiles

Ms Grant’s home is where she can really express her pride in Australia.

She has an Australian flag flying out the front, an Australian-map-shaped coffee, and a collection of native goannas and snakes.

Ms Grant with snake
Image:
Ms Grant with snake

Ms Grant said being born in Australia, she’s won the “lottery of life” but believes there are too many “economic migrants” coming in.

“I’m very happy for people to come here. My mum was a 10-pound pom (British migrant),” she explained.

“At the moment where the cost of living and housing is so high, instead of just saying ‘racism, racism’ let’s look at what’s best for people who live here now.”

Continue Reading

Politics

Crypto groups slam Citadel for urging tighter DeFi tokenization rules

Published

on

By

Crypto groups slam Citadel for urging tighter DeFi tokenization rules

A group of crypto organizations has pushed back on Citadel Securities’ request that the Securities and Exchange Commission tighten regulations on decentralized finance when it comes to tokenized stocks.

Andreessen Horowitz, the Uniswap Foundation, along with crypto lobby groups the DeFi Education Fund and The Digital Chamber, among others, said they wanted “to correct several factual mischaracterizations and misleading statements” in a letter to the SEC on Friday.

The group was responding to a letter from Citadel earlier this month, which urged the SEC not to give DeFi platforms “broad exemptive relief” for offering trading of tokenized US equities, arguing they could likely be defined as an “exchange” or “broker-dealer” regulated under securities laws.

“Citadel’s letter rests on a flawed analysis of the securities laws that attempts to extend SEC registration requirements to essentially any entity with even the most tangential connection to a DeFi transaction,” the group said.

The group added they shared Citadel’s aims of investor protection and market integrity, but disagreed “that achieving these goals always necessitates registration as traditional SEC intermediaries and cannot, in certain circumstances, be met through thoughtfully designed onchain markets.”

Citadel’s ask would be impractical, group says

The group argued that regulating decentralized platforms under securities laws “would be impracticable given their functions” and could capture a broad range of onchain activities that aren’t usually considered as offering exchange services.

The letter also took aim at Citadel’s characterization that autonomous software was an intermediary, arguing it can’t be a “‘middleman’ in a financial transaction because it is not a person capable of exercising independent discretion or judgment.”

Source: DeFi Education Fund

“DeFi technology is a new innovation that was designed to address market risks and resiliency in a different way than traditional financial systems do, and DeFi protects investors in ways that traditional finance cannot,” the group argued.

Related: SEC’s Crenshaw takes aim at crypto in final weeks at agency

In its letter, Citadel had argued that the SEC giving the green light to tokenized shares on DeFi “would create two separate regulatory regimes for the trading of the same security” and would undermine “the ‘technology-neutral’ approach taken by the Exchange Act.”