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President Joe Bidens core foreign-policy argument has been that his steady engagement with international allies can produce better results for America than the impulsive unilateralism of his predecessor Donald Trump. The eruption of violence in Israel is testing that proposition under the most difficult circumstances.

The initial reactions of Biden and Trump to the attack have produced exactly the kind of personal contrast Biden supporters want to project. On Tuesday, Biden delivered a powerful speech that was impassioned but measured in denouncing the Hamas terror attacks and declaring unshakable U.S. support for Israel. Last night, in a rambling address in Florida, Trump praised the skill of Israels enemies, criticized Israels intelligence and defense capabilities, and complained that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had tried to claim credit for a U.S. operation that killed a top Iranian general while Trump was president.

At this somber moment, Trump delivered exactly the sort of erratic, self-absorbed performance that his critics have said make him unreliable in a crisis. Trumps remarks seemed designed to validate what Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee that focuses on the Middle East, had told me in an interview a few hours before the former presidents speech. This is the most delicate moment in the Middle East in decades, Murphy said. The path forward to negotiate this hostage crisis, while also preventing other fronts from opening up against Israel, necessitates A-plus-level diplomacy. And you obviously never saw C-plus-level diplomacy from Trump.

Franklin Foer: Biden will be guided by his Zionism

The crisis is highlighting more than the distance in personal demeanor between the two men. Two lines in Bidens speech on Tuesday point toward the policy debate that could be ahead in a potential 2024 rematch over how to best promote international stability and advance Americas interests in the world.

Biden emphasized his efforts to coordinate support for Israel from U.S. allies within and beyond the region. And although Biden did not directly urge Israel to exercise restraint in its ongoing military operations against Hamas, he did call for caution. Referring to his conversation with Netanyahu, Biden said, We also discussed how democracies like Israel and the United States are stronger and more secure when we act according to the rule of law. White House officials acknowledged this as a subtle warning that the U.S. was not giving Israel carte blanche to ignore civilian casualties as it pursues its military objectives in Gaza.

Both of Bidens comments point to crucial distinctions between his view and Trumps of the U.S. role in the world. Whereas Trump relentlessly disparaged U.S. alliances, Biden has viewed them as an important mechanism for multiplying Americas influence and impactby organizing the broad international assistance to Ukraine, for instance. And whereas Trump repeatedly moved to withdraw the U.S. from international institutions and agreements, Biden continues to assert that preserving a rules-based international order will enhance security for America and its allies.

Even more than in 2016, Trump in his 2024 campaign is putting forward a vision of a fortress America. In almost all of his foreign-policy proposals, he promises to reduce American reliance on the outside world. He has promised to make the U.S. energy independent and to implement a four-year plan to phase out all Chinese imports of essential goods and gain total independence from China. Like several of his rivals for the 2024 GOP nomination, Trump has threatened to launch military operations against drug cartels in Mexico without approval from the Mexican government. John Bolton, one of Trumps national security advisers in the White House, has said he believes that the former president would seek to withdraw from NATO in a second term. Walls, literal and metaphorical, remain central to Trumps vision: He says that, if reelected, hell finish his wall across the Southwest border, and last weekend he suggested that the Hamas attack was justification to restore his ban on travel to the U.S. from several Muslim-majority nations.

Biden, by contrast, maintains that America can best protect its interests by building bridges. Hes focused on reviving traditional alliances, including extending them into new priorities such as friend-shoring. He has also sought to engage diplomatically even with rival or adversarial regimes, for instance, by attempting to find common ground with China over climate change.

These differences in approach likely will be muted in the early stages of Israels conflict with Hamas. Striking at Islamic terrorists is one form of international engagement that still attracts broad support from Republican leaders. And in the Middle East, Biden has not diverged from Trumps strategy as dramatically as in other parts of the world. After Trump severely limited contact with the Palestinian Authority, Biden has restored some U.S. engagement, but the president hasnt pushed Israel to engage in full-fledged peace negotiations, as did his two most recent Democratic predecessors, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Instead, Biden has continued Trumps efforts to normalize relations between Israel and surrounding Sunni nations around their common interest in countering Shiite Iran. (Hamass brutal attack may have been intended partly to derail the ongoing negotiations among the U.S., Israel, and Saudi Arabia that represent the crucial next stage of that project.) Since the attack last weekend, Trump has claimed that Hamas would not have dared to launch the incursion if he were still president, but he has not offered any substantive alternative to Bidens response.

Yet the difference between how Biden and Trump approach international challenges is likely to resurface before this crisis ends. Even while trying to construct alliances to constrain Iran, Biden has also sought to engage the regime through negotiations on both its nuclear program and the release of American prisoners. Republicans have denounced each of those efforts; Trump and other GOP leaders have argued, without evidence, that Bidens agreement to allow Iran to access $6 billion in its oil revenue held abroad provided the mullahs with more leeway to fund terrorist groups like Hamas. And although both parties are now stressing Israels right to defend itself, if Israel does invade Gaza, Biden will likely eventually pressure Netanyahu to stop the fighting and limit civilian losses well before Trump or any other influential Republican does.

Murphy points toward another distinction: Biden has put more emphasis than Trump on fostering dialogue with a broad range of nations across the region. Trumps style was to pick sides, and that meant making enemies and adversaries unnecessarily; that is very different from Bidens approach, Murphy told me. We dont know whether anyone in the region right now can talk sense into Hamas, Murphy said, but this president has been very careful to keep lines of communication open in the region, and thats because he knows through experience that moments can come, like this, where you need all hands on deck and where you need open lines to all the major players.

Read: The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades

In multiple national polls, Republican and Democratic voters now express almost mirror-image views on whether and how the U.S. should interact with the world. For the first time in its annual polling since 1974, the Chicago Council on Global Affairs this year found that a majority of Republicans said the U.S. would be best served if we stay out of world affairs, according to upcoming results shared exclusively with The Atlantic. By contrast, seven in 10 Democrats said that the U.S. should take an active part in world affairs.

Not only do fewer Republicans than Democrats support an active role for the U.S. in world affairs, but less of the GOP wants the U.S. to compromise with allies whe it does engage. In national polling earlier this year by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center, about eight in 10 Democrats said America should take its allies interests into account when dealing with major international issues. Again in sharp contrast, nearly three-fifths of GOP partisans said the U.S. instead should follow its own interests.

As president, Trump both reflected and reinforced these views among Republican voters. Trump withdrew the U.S. from the World Health Organization, the United Nations Human Rights Council, the Paris climate accord, and the nuclear deal with Iran that Obama negotiated, while also terminating Obamas Trans-Pacific Partnership trade talks. Biden effectively reversed all of those decisions. He rejoined both the Paris Agreement and the WHO on his first days in office, and he brought the U.S. back into the Human Rights Council later in 2021. Although Biden did not resuscitate the TPP specifically, he has advanced a successor agreement among nations across the region called the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. Biden has also sought to restart negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program, though with little success.

Peter Feaver, a public-policy and political-science professor at Duke University, told me he believes that Trump wasnt alone among U.S. presidents in complaining that allies were not fully pulling their weight. What makes Trump unique, Feaver said, is that he didnt see the other side of the ledger. Most other presidents recognized, notwithstanding our [frustrations], it is still better to work with allies and that the U.S. capacity to mobilize a stronger, more action-focused coalition of allies than our adversaries could was a central part of our strength, said Feaver, who served as a special adviser on the National Security Council for George W. Bush. Thats the thing that Trump never really understood: He got the downsides of allies, but not the upsides. And he did not realize you do not get any benefits from allies if you approach them in the hyper-transactional style that he would do.

Biden, Feaver believes, was assured an enthusiastic reception from U.S. allies because he followed the belligerent Trump. But Bidens commitment to restoring alliances, Feaver maintains, has delivered results. Theres no question in my mind that Biden got better results from the NATO alliance [on Ukraine] in the first six months than the Trump team would have done, Feaver said.

As the Middle East erupts again, the biggest diplomatic hurdle for Biden wont be marshaling international support for Israel while it begins military operations; it will be sustaining focus on what happens when they end, James Steinberg, the dean of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, told me. The challenge here is how do you both reassure Israel and send an unmistakably tough message to Hamas and Iran without leading to an escalation in this crisis, said Steinberg, who served as deputy secretary of state for Obama and deputy national security adviser for Clinton. Thats where the real skill will come: Without undercutting the strong message of deterrence and support for Israel, can they figure out a way to defuse the crisis? Because it could just get worse, and it could widen.

In a 2024 rematch, the challenge for Biden would be convincing most Americans that his bridges can keep them safer than Trumps walls. In a recent Gallup Poll, Americans gave Republicans a 22-percentage-point advantage when asked which party could keep the nation safe from international terrorism and military threats. Republicans usually lead on that measure, but the current advantage was one of the GOPs widest since Gallup began asking the question, in 2002.

This new crisis will test Biden on exceedingly arduous terrain. Like Clinton and Obama, Biden has had a contentious relationship with Netanyahu, who has grounded his governing coalition in the far-right extremes of Israeli politics and openly identified over the years with the GOP in American politics. In this uneasy partnership with Netanyahu, Biden must now juggle many goals: supporting the Israeli prime minister, but also potentially restraining him, while avoiding a wider war and preserving his long-term goal of a Saudi-Israeli dtente that would reshape the region. It is exactly the sort of complex international puzzle that Biden has promised he can manage better than Trump. This terrible crucible is providing the president with another opportunity to prove it.

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To call plays or not to call plays … that’s the question for many top head coaches

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To call plays or not to call plays ... that's the question for many top head coaches

AS A YOUNG head coach with a background in offensive playcalling, Arizona State‘s Kenny Dillingham likes to watch what those like him do on game days.

Last season, he closely tracked Ohio State coach Ryan Day, who has toggled between calling plays and relinquishing those duties, as he did in 2024 when veteran strategist Chip Kelly directed the Buckeyes’ offense. Dillingham had watched Day handle both head coach and offensive playcaller responsibilities earlier in his Ohio State tenure. Last year, he observed a different version of Day.

“I saw such a peace in Coach Day on game day, just from a fan watching games, how calm he was … how excited he would get for touchdowns and all of that when he didn’t call it,” Dillingham told ESPN. “I’m like, ‘I think he figured it out.’ He can be involved, have a say, but he’s over here talking to defense and offense. I’m like, ‘I love that.'”

Dillingham, 35, decided to take a similar approach at Arizona State.

He isn’t alone. Many coaches weigh the same playcalling decision, especially early in their careers. A majority of first-time FBS coaches enter those jobs after being primary playcallers as coordinators. For many, their playcalling prowess is the main reason they were selected to lead programs.

But the head coach job description is growing longer by the year, so they face a quandary: Call their own plays or give it up?

“When you’re calling a play, you think they’re all going to work,” Dillingham said. “When you don’t call them, you’re constantly judging.”

Some head coaches clutch their call sheets tight — refusing to let go, regardless of their other duties. Others willingly delegate, recognizing that their time is better spent overseeing all elements of their programs, but make the bigger-picture decisions within games, such as timeout usage or whether to attempt fourth-down conversions.

Week 1 of the 2025 season placed a spotlight on how head coaches handle playcalling. Steve Sarkisian, whose playcalling brilliance gave him a second chance as a head coach, pulled the strings for No. 1 Texas in Saturday’s 14-7 loss at No. 2 Ohio State, for which offensive coordinator Brian Hartline took on playcalling for the first time under Day. Sarkisian’s playcalls in Ohio State territory drew some criticism, as Texas twice stalled inside the Buckeyes’ 10-yard line and didn’t score until 3:28 remained. Hartline generally took a conservative approach with quarterback Julian Sayin, a first-time starter, but didn’t put the offense in dangerous spots with Ohio State’s defense playing so well.

After the game, Day praised Hartline for an “unselfish” approach, especially since the Buckeyes often had poor field position with a young quarterback.

“Moving forward, yeah, we know we have to be more explosive,” Day said Tuesday. “… We need to get the ball in space and do those types of things. But that’s all part of the journey with this group. The first goal was just win the game.”

Alabama‘s Kalen DeBoer and Florida State‘s Mike Norvell spent Saturday afternoon across from each other in Tallahassee, Florida, with each passing off playcalling to familiar names. After a year in the NFL, Ryan Grubb returned to DeBoer’s side, hoping to rekindle the magic that propelled Washington to the national title game in 2023. Norvell, climbing out of a 2-10 crater last season, hired Gus Malzahn, a longtime mentor and occasional Alabama tormentor, to call plays for the Seminoles’ offense, which looked dramatically different, rushing for 230 yards in a 31-17 upset of the Tide.

Teams change every year, and coaches must consider a set of factors — quarterback’s age and skill, offensive coordinator’s track record, other playcalling options on the staff, how the roster is constructed — and ultimately decide how involved they will be.

But this much is clear: They must make the right call with playcalling.


THE PLAYCALLING DECISION often comes down to trust: Does a head coach trust an assistant enough — and ultimately more than himself — to handle the responsibility? DeBoer doesn’t question his faith in Grubb, even after a tough game like Saturday’s opener, when the Tide mustered only 10 points and 266 yards after the opening scoring drive.

Grubb was DeBoer’s offensive coordinator at both Washington and Fresno State, and the two go all the way back to the University of Sioux Falls, the NAIA program where DeBoer played and later coached. Grubb joined DeBoer’s staff there to work with the offensive line in 2007.

Nick Sheridan, who served as Alabama’s offensive coordinator during DeBoer’s first season last fall, had been with DeBoer at both Washington and Indiana when DeBoer served as offensive coordinator. Sheridan is now Alabama’s co-offensive coordinator and coaches the quarterbacks, but Grubb calls plays.

“We’ve had so many conversations, you get into those moments like red zone or, are we playing for four downs? We can be on the same page,” DeBoer told ESPN. “They can set it up to where it’s like, ‘Man, this is where Kalen usually goes for it.’ And they know the times to be aggressive where there is not going to be a fourth down, going for it.”

DeBoer called offensive plays in every game he coached from 2000 — his first year as coordinator at Sioux Falls — until 2020, his debut as Fresno State’s coach. Now, he picks his spots when to give input — between offensive series, during a media timeout — but also understands that his advice must be on point, because he can influence his coordinator’s mindset.

“There’s more than one really good playcall, almost all the time,” DeBoer said. “It’s more about making sure that you stay out of the bad playcalls. What’s your system of making sure that you can check out of this? The key is: How do you stay on the field?”

Louisville coach Jeff Brohm came up in a family of accomplished quarterbacks, including his younger brother, Brian, who, like Jeff, starred at quarterback for the Cardinals. Jeff has had Brian as an offensive coordinator at all three of his head coaching stops: Western Kentucky, Purdue and Louisville, their alma mater.

“There’s nobody I would trust more than I trust him,” Jeff Brohm said.

But for now, big brother Brohm will continue to call the offensive plays.

“I would be cheating my team if I didn’t use what I thought I was pretty good at to help us win,” Jeff Brohm said. “It’s not like my brother couldn’t do it. … But I feel like it’s my responsibility to continue to do that. I still put that on my shoulders.”

During Dillingham’s first season as a head coach in 2023 and for part of last fall, he was more active in the playcalling process. Offensive coordinator Marcus Arroyo handled the calls, but there were a few instances, especially early last fall, where the head coach couldn’t resist.

Against Texas Tech, Dillingham had the offense check into duo, a gap scheme run, but a linebacker shot through and dropped the ball carrier for a loss. Against Cincinnati, Dillingham called for an up-tempo play. It resulted in another tackle for loss.

“I was actually s—ty, so I stopped doing it as the year progressed,” he said.

Dillingham realized that the plays he selected in those moments weren’t necessarily misplaced. They fit the game situations. But he hadn’t spent the week crafting the plan, emphasizing a set of plays in practice, or spending every moment he could with quarterback Sam Leavitt and the offense. That’s Arroyo’s job.

“My best play, in my mind, is not the best play for the football team, because of how [Arroyo] prepared them,” Dillingham concluded. “That was what I learned [in 2023], through the first half of [2024]: Give advice but don’t give plays.”

Dillingham’s contributions became more generalized.

“Give it to Scat, throw it to JT,” he said, referring to All-American running back Cam Skattebo and star wide receiver Jordyn Tyson. “I want to blitz. I don’t want to play coverage anymore. It’s a more generalized philosophy of how I want our football team to play.”

Even then, Dillingham has to catch himself in critical moments, such as in the first quarter of the 2024 Big 12 championship game against Iowa State, when Arroyo called a play-action deep pass on fourth-and-1 from the ASU 34-yard line. Leavitt found Melquan Stovall for a 63-yard gain.

“I was nervous as s—,” Dillingham said. “I literally get on the headset when he called that and I’m like, ‘Y’all think we just hand it to Scat here? What do y’all think?’ Dead silence. Not one other coach. Everybody stayed quiet, everybody. I’m like, ‘All right, looks like we’re rolling with it.’ And huge play. … You’ve got to trust your people.”


WHEN JEFF LEBBY got his big break to lead Mississippi State — following offensive coordinator stints at Oklahoma, Ole Miss and UCF — he spent no time dithering about who would call plays for the Bulldogs.

“From a game-day standpoint, it’s how I can help us affect the game,” he told ESPN. “It was the reason I got the job. I don’t ever see the value outweighing the effect of being able to call plays. I feel strongly about that.”

A 2-10 debut season without a single SEC win hasn’t shifted Lebby’s position. During the offseason, he empowered offensive assistants Anthony Tucker and Jon Cooper, who have added the pass game coordinator and run game coordinator titles, respectively. Both worked with Lebby at other schools, and Tucker has been a coordinator.

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No. 3 Ohio State defeats No. 1 Texas 14-7 in season opener

No. 3 Ohio State Buckeyes defeat the No. 1 Texas Longhorns 14-7 in their season opener.

They both aid in organizational elements of the pass and run games, but although Lebby has spent time working on his time management, the playcalling is still his baby.

“My biggest thing is the football, the offensive part, the scheme, the scripting, the organization, that’s not going to take a back seat to anything,” Lebby said.

Playcalling fueled Lincoln Riley’s historic rise up the coaching ranks. He wouldn’t have become Oklahoma’s offensive coordinator at 31, or been named the successor to Hall of Fame Sooners coach Bob Stoops at 33, without being exceptional at crafting game plans and pulling the right strings.

The approach yielded historic results, as Oklahoma had the nation’s top offense in most major categories during Riley’s head coaching tenure from 2017 to 2021, which produced two Heisman Trophy-winning quarterbacks and a runner-up. When Riley went to USC, he oversaw a top-three offense in his first season and mentored another Heisman winner in QB Caleb Williams. USC’s results the past two seasons haven’t been as strong, though, and part of Riley’s offseason program evaluation included playcalling.

“I’ve had some moments where I’ve thought about it, not during the [season], but in between,” he told ESPN. “I don’t know that I’ve ever gotten close to giving it up, but I’ve had that kind of inner discussion and discussion with some of my confidants about: Would that be the right thing to do?”

Riley concluded that the more important change would be to enhance USC’s personnel department with the hiring of new general manager Chad Bowden and others, and take more off his plate.

“Not that it’s been perfect, but the offensive track record that I’ve had a chance to be a part of is pretty solid, and I’ve just always felt like that’s an advantage that I can bring to our program,” Riley said. “I probably feel better about doing it right now than I have in the last couple of years. Obviously, I kept doing it, but I feel it’s much more manageable right now.”

Other coaches are at the other end of the spectrum. Luke Fickell held a variety of roles as an Ohio State assistant from 2002 to 2016, which included being defensive playcaller beginning in 2012 when Urban Meyer arrived as head coach.

But when Fickell got the chance to lead his own program, first at Cincinnati and now Wisconsin, he had no aspirations of calling plays.

“It can be arrogant to think that you have to be the guy to call it, whether it’s offensively or defensively,” Fickell said. “If you watch that much more and you prepare, then God bless you, but for me, it hasn’t been that way. There was a year, as we made some changes, if it didn’t work out, that I felt like, ‘OK, maybe I’ll be the guy to call it.’ But in my mind, in my heart, I’m thinking, ‘That’s arrogant to think you can do that and not suffer.'”


WHEN HE WAS an offensive coordinator at Auburn, SMU coach Rhett Lashlee saw how Malzahn, the team’s head coach and one of Lashlee’s mentors, wrestled with the playcalling decision. After a slow start to the 2016 season, Malzahn gave up playcalling to Lashlee, and then assigned it to OC Chip Lindsey in 2017. Malzahn then took back playcalling duties for 2018.

Lashlee joined Miami as offensive coordinator and observed how Manny Diaz, a first-time head coach, reassumed defensive playcalling duties in 2021 after giving them to coordinator Blake Baker. Lashlee decided that when he became a head coach, which he did at SMU following the 2021 season, he would start out calling offensive plays.

“I decided to because one, you got hired for a reason, and two, it’s better to come in as the head coach and take that responsibility and then maybe one day give it up, versus give it up early, and if it doesn’t go well, try to take it back,” Lashlee told ESPN.

Lashlee still evaluates the playcalling role after each season and doesn’t call plays during spring practice, delegating to coordinator Casey Woods and the offensive staff. If SMU would benefit from a different voice, Lashlee would be comfortable stepping aside, but the team has 23 wins and a College Football Playoff appearance in the past two years.

Double duty creates challenges, but it also increases efficiency.

“I don’t have to be like, ‘Hey, do you want to go for it, Coach?'” Lashlee said. “I’m the one deciding if we’re going for it and calling the play.”

Clark Lea gave up defensive playcalling duties when he became Vanderbilt‘s coach, but after the defense slipped in 2023 — to 126th in points allowed and 128th in yards allowed — Lea took them back. He was best equipped to reset the system.

As the 2024 season progressed and Vanderbilt stabilized, Lea didn’t feel the time he could devote to playcalling was sufficient, especially compared with the hours he had logged as a defensive coordinator. He shared his concerns with Steve Gregory, the team’s secondary coach and associate DC, at the walk-through before an Oct. 26 game against Texas. In March, Lea promoted Gregory to defensive coordinator.

“That’s how we spent the last four games of the season, and that’s where we came out in January,” Lea said. “I’m with those guys every day, like every night in fall camp, I’m in front of the defense, and I’m presenting or teaching something. But the actual calling of the play will be Steve’s responsibility, and up until the point that the words come out of his mouth, I’ll have a chance to have an impact on it.”

Norvell has done it both ways, handling playcalls early in his tenures at both Memphis and Florida State. He handed off calls to Dillingham in 2021, then made the calls himself from 2022 to 2024.

A 2-10 season last fall triggered many changes around the program, including the decision to bring in Malzahn from UCF, who worked with Norvell at Tulsa under coach Todd Graham.

“I feel like I got one of the best playcallers in the country, obviously somebody we’re very comfortable with,” Norvell told ESPN. “We always stayed in touch over the years, and it was something that I was aware of throughout the time, whenever he did and decided to not call plays. I know he’s excited to have the opportunity to really just be able to focus on the offensive side of the ball, and to be able to do what I know he loves.”

Empowered by Norvell, Malzahn was in top form against Alabama. Florida State led by seven early in the fourth quarter and faced fourth-and-1 from its own 34-yard line. The Seminoles went for it, converted on a Roydell Williams run and went downfield to score a put-away touchdown.

“You obviously always talk through any of those situations that are up — that and the fourth down at the end as well,” Norvell said. “It’s just like, ‘Let’s go put our stamp on it.'”

The degree of difficulty makes playcalling assignments among the more important decisions head coaches make. When they work, like they did last week at Florida State, the impact can be seismic.

“I’m not the OC; I’m the head coach,” Lashlee said. “So every year, I ask myself: Do I think me calling plays gives us the best chance to win?’ If I do, I’m going to do it, and if I don’t, then that’s when I’ll give it up.”

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Jackery HomePower 3000 + bundle at new lows from $1,499, Heybike Horizon full suspension folding e-bike $1,399, EcoFlow, more

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Jackery HomePower 3000 + bundle at new lows from ,499, Heybike Horizon full suspension folding e-bike ,399, EcoFlow, more

Closing out this week’s Green Deals is Jackery’s weekend flash sale on its latest HomePower 3000 Portable Power Station alongside a 400W solar bundle that are hitting new low prices starting from $1,499. Right behind it is a spotlight on the $600 discount hitting Heybike’s Horizon Full Suspension Folding e-bike bundle at $1,399, as well as EcoFlow’s current member-only deals on four bundle offers, lead by the DELTA 2 Max 440W solar bundle with a protective bag at a new $1,282 low. We also have new low pricing on Schumacher’s hardwired EV charging station, a Greenworks 15-inch trimmer bundle, and more waiting for you below. Plus, there are all the hangover deals collected at the bottom of the page, like yesterday’s collection of Rad Power extra battery e-bike bundles from its latest sale, the first-ever discount on ALLPOWERS’ new SOLAX P100 mini power station, and more – and that’s on top of the ongoing Labor Day deals still available in our curated holiday Green Deals hub here.

Head below for other New Green Deals we’ve found today and, of course, Electrek’s best EV buying and leasing deals. Also, check out the new Electrek Tesla Shop for the best deals on Tesla accessories.

Jackery weekend flash sale offers up to $1,200 savings on HomePower 3000 station and bundle at new lows starting from $1,499

Jackery’s Disaster Preparedness Sale running through September 16 is seeing up to 50% discounts across its power station lineup, complete with automatic 5% and 7% extra savings on orders over $1,300, as well as some free gifts accompanying the largest Explorer 5000 Plus series units. A standout, though, is the flash offer lasting only through the weekend on Jackery’s latest HomePower 3000 Portable Power Station at $1,499 shipped, which comes in a little under Amazon by $4. Since its release back in May, we’ve seen it brought down from its full $2,499 price tag to land between $1,899 and $1,699 during sales, with Amazon seeing it drop to $1,599 for the first time today (while the on-page coupon there takes things lower) and the brand’s direct site taking things under $1,500 for the first time while these flash savings last, giving you $1,000 in savings at the best new price we have tracked. The bundle on Jackery’s HomePower 3000 station and two 200W solar panels is also at a new low of $1,799 shipped, landing $100 under the previous low and $5 under Amazon’s current pricing.

For those who may not be aware, the Jackery HomePower 3000 station is the next generation of the brand’s popular Explorer 3000, with the immediate upgrade here being the switch to LiFePO4 batteries – in this case a 3,072Wh capacity worth – which also comes with a battery management system and protected by ChargeShield 2.0 tech. It provides 12 output ports (including a TT-30R port for your RV living) to connect to devices and appliances, supplying them with a steady stream of up to 3,600W and surging up to 7,200W when needed.

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Jackery’s HomePower 3000 station boasts five primary means to get its battery recharged, like a standard AC outlet that can have it back to full in around 2.2 hours, alongside the 1,000W max solar input (which you can start working towards with the 400W solar bundle) that will take up to 11 hours, depending on weather conditions. There’s also the options to connect a gas generator, plug it into your car’s auxiliary port, or take advantage of its dual AC/DC charging for a 1.7-hour timeframe.

You can browse the entirety of Jackery’s September Disaster Preparedness Sale on the landing page here, including the HomePower 3000 station flash offers.

man riding Heybike Horizon Full Suspension folding e-bike down coastal street

Enjoy smooth commutes and space-saving functionality on Heybike’s Horizon full suspension folding e-bike at $1,399

As part of Heybike’s ongoing End of Summer Sale, which is offering up to $649 savings on its e-bike lineup alongside the usual free gear bundles, we wanted to shine a spotlight on the brand’s Horizon Full Suspension Folding e-bike that is down at $1,399 shipped while the event lasts and comes with a free front and rear cargo basket bundle. This model usually fetches $1,999 outside of sales, which we’ve mostly seen brought down to $1,499 over 2025, with more recent drops to $1,399 and a one-time fall further to the $1,299 low that appeared during the brand’s anniversary sale back at the end of May. Aside from that one-time low, you’re otherwise looking at the best price we have tracked, which saves you $600 on one of the brand’s more premium space-saving commuting solutions.

If you want to learn more about this particular e-bike, be sure to check out our original coverage of this deal here, with Heybike’s full End of Summer Sale lineup available to browse here.

EcoFlow's DELTA 2 Max power station in front of solar panels in yard while man mows nearby
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EcoFlow’s short-term member-only deals drop DELTA 2 Max 440W solar bundle with free bag to new $1,282 low, more

Running parallel to its extended Labor Day Sale, EcoFlow is also having a Home Backup Sale through September 14 with up to 62% discounts, 5% and 7% bonus savings, and more. Among the lineup, we’re seeing shorter-term member-only pricing on four units lasting through September 7, with a standout being EcoFlow’s DELTA 2 Max Portable Power Station coming with two 220W solar panels and a waterproof protective bag for $1,281.55 shippedafter using the code 25EFDCAFF at checkout for an additional 5% off your order. This particular bundle would cost you $3,276 were it at full price, with the bag missing from this bundle at Amazon, where it’s currently priced for $1,299, and has only gone as low as $1,234 in the past. Considering the bag costs $79, this combined 61% markdown for the next few days not only saves you a total $1,994, but gives you the best new price we have tracked. Head below for more on this and the other short-term member-only deals.

If you want to learn more about this power station bundle, or check out the other three offers seeing up to $2,419 in savings, be sure to check out our original coverage of these deals here.

app-based controls next to Schumacher's 50A EV charging station

Hardwire Schumacher’s 50A Level 2 EV wall charger indoors or outdoors while at a new $350 low

Amazon is offering the Schumacher 50A Hardwired Level 2 EV Wall Charger at $349.99 shipped. Since July we’ve seen it keeping at $450 at full price, which is also when we last saw a discount, with Prime Day having taken the cost down to $399, and was only ever beaten out by a $390 rate from October 2024 Prime Day. The deal we’re seeing here takes things lower than ever as the 22% markdown is cutting $100 off the going rate and landing it at a new all-time low price. Keep in mind that this is a hardwired station, with the more flexible variant also currently seeing a discount to $414 right now, down from $500.

If you want to learn more about this particular EV charging station, be sure to check out our original coverage of this deal here.

greenworks string trimmer cutting through weeds along property line

Clear up to 1.5 miles of weeds with this Greenworks 48V (2x24V) 15-inch string trimmer and two batteries at a new $91 low

Amazon is offering the Greenworks 48V (2 x 24V) 15-inch Cordless String Trimmer with two 2.0Ah batteries and dual-port charger for $91.19 shipped, which matches the pricing directly from the brand’s website. While it carries a $160 MSRP, we more often see it priced around $120 at Amazon, with discounts over the years having only gone as low as $96, which we last saw for an extended period in April through May. Today’s deal beats out all that have come before, though, with the 43% markdown here cutting $69 off the MSRP tag for a new all-time low.

If you want to learn more about this tool’s capabilities, be sure to check out our original coverage of this deal here.

NexLawn's Master X Series Concept robot lawn mower with arm holding ball in grass field
man approaching Lectric ONE e-bike on pavement
two men riding Lectric's XP4 e-bikes

Best Summer EV deals!

Best new Green Deals landing this week

The savings this week are also continuing to a collection of other markdowns. To the same tune as the offers above, these all help you take a more energy-conscious approach to your routine. Winter means you can lock in even better off-season price cuts on electric tools for the lawn while saving on EVs and tons of other gear.

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Check out the new Mercedes-Benz GLC EV interior and its giant 39″ infotainment screen

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Check out the new Mercedes-Benz GLC EV interior and its giant 39

The top-selling Mercedes model is going electric. With just two days until its official debut, Mercedes-Benz unveiled a first look at the interior of the new GLC. With a massive 39″ touchscreen, the brand’s largest to date, Mercedes promises the new GLC will take luxury driving to a new level.

Mercedes-Benz unveils the interior of the new GLC EV

“We’re not just introducing a new model – we’re electrifying our top seller,” Mercedes-Benz Group CEO, Ola Källenius, said after offering an exclusive look at the new electric GLC in July.

Mercedes promises the new model “sets new standards” as its first vehicle to showcase the luxury brand’s updated design and advanced new tech.

Ahead of its debut on September 7, Mercedes-Benz unveiled the interior of the new electric GLC for the first time.

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At the center is the new MBUX HYPERSCREEN. The 39.1″ floating touchscreen spans the entire dashboard. With over 1,000 LEDs and matrix backlight technology, Mercedes said the touchscreen boasts “exceptional clarity and vivid color.”

It also features intelligent zone dimming, which enables you to set two different brightness levels for separate displays. Mercedes said it has already filed a patent for the “groundbreaking” new feature. The only issue is that it won’t come standard.

Mercedes-Benz-GLC-EV-interior
The interior of the new Mercedes-Benz GLC EV (Source: Mercedes-Benz)

Mercedes said the MBUX HYPERSCREEN will be optionally available. Lower-priced trim options are expected to receive a smaller screen.

Thanks to an extended wheelbase, the new GLC EV offers more interior space than the current model. With all the seats folded, the electric SUV offers 61.4 cubic feet of space, compared to the gas-powered model, which features up to 56.3 cubic feet of cargo space.

Like the interior, the exterior of the GLC EV will showcase the new Mercedes-Benz design. Källenius said the new model will debut with “a new face of the brand as the first in a family of upcoming vehicles,” which will include a revamped grille.

The new Mercedes-Benz GLC will be based on an 800V architecture, offering charging speeds of up to 320 kW. According to Källenius, the electric SUV can regain around 260 km (161 miles) in about 10 minutes.

Mercedes-GLC-EV-face
The new Mercedes GLC EV will showcase a new face (Source: Mercedes-Benz)

We will learn more info on September 7, when the new GLC makes its official debut. However, according to Car and Driver, which tested a prototype model, the new GLC is expected to provide a WLTP range of just over 400 miles from a 94.5 kWh battery. On the EPA scale, it will likely be closer to slightly over 300 miles of range.

Given that the current GLC 350e 4MATIC PHEV starts at $59,900 in the US, you can expect the all-electric version to be priced slightly higher at around $65,000.

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